Hon Chairperson, colleagues, comrades and fellow South Africans, decent work is what we all ask for - each one of us sitting in here in this House. I believe and I know that there is no one sitting in these benches who would oppose the principle of decent work for themselves or their families, so surely neither will other South Africans.
The commitment to the provision of decent work is not simply a new ANC slogan, but it can be traced to the Freedom Charter, which embraces the power of sharing. It is within this environment that the ANC government has over the years and over the decades created the conditions in which a developmental state can be built - the kind of state that recognises that people are its greatest and most essential asset, which is why we do not simply talk, of but are committed to, bringing about people-centred solutions. Some of these include a clear focus on rural poverty and will be and are addressed through the ANC programme for land and agrarian reform, food security and rural development.
In this regard, the ANC 2009 election manifesto speaks to the need to ensure the implementation of special-sector programmes embracing industrial trade and other measures backed by adequate resources. And we should remember that adequate resources are not simply finance or money, but people, finance and equipment, among other issues; this also includes manufacturing, mining and other vulnerable sectors.
The ultimate aim, however, of all of these special programmes is to ensure that jobs are not simply created but that they are saved and retained. This whole tradition of getting rid of people at the drop of a hat, of casualisation, has to stop for all our benefit if we are going to develop and grow the economy.
Part of building local industries is to ensure that the primary sectors go beyond simply producing goods for export markets without value being added. So at the centre of this is and will be downstream industries for beneficiation to include and expand a broader participation in the economy.
That is why the ANC argues for a comprehensive package of measures to be introduced to promote these programmes, thus ensuring that the natural wealth of this country is shared, and developed locally. The spin-off from this will be the creation of decent work opportunities in both the manufacturing and services sectors.
As we build viable local industries, we know that there is also a need to widen the scope of enterprising by also investing in enterprises such as co- operatives. It is in this regard that we recommitted ourselves in the 2009 election manifesto to engaging the private sector for the purpose of facilitating the transformation and also diversification, including the development of the co-operative financial institutions, as well as ensuring that the sector contributes to investment and developmental priorities of the country.
Indeed, we will fight unemployment and create decent work. As they say in isiZulu, and mine is not very good, "Sizozama ngakho konke ukudala amathuba omsebenzi". [We will try by all means to create job opportunities.]
We want to build nurturing sectors that can protect jobs and that have potential to create labour-intensive jobs. This concept of labour-intensive jobs has a very high multiplier effect on the eradication of poverty. And for the ANC and all those who believe in decent work, it is the nerve centre of a national democratic society, as indeed envisioned by the ANC.
The ANC argues that the national democratic society should be founded on a thriving economy, the structure of which should not only reflect the natural endowments of the country but also the creativity of a skilled population.
What is the private sector doing in this regard? It is right for you. Your approach is to say, "Government, government". However, nobody builds anything alone, except an artist. The kind of economy we are building is one that grows along labour-absorbing lines on the one hand, and on the other hand, cutting-edge technology; industrial development; thriving small business alongside co-operative sectors; the utilisation of information communication technologies; and efficient forms of production and management - all to combine to ensure national prosperity.
I wish to add that we believe that it is critical for us to ensure - and we will ensure - the protection and building of key industries with the potential to eradicate poverty. But eradicating poverty, we must all remember, lies at the very heart of social cohesion and maintaining stability, and in this regard the state will make decisive interventions such as the implementation of the integrated antipoverty programme geared towards not only social assistance but also the sustainable integration of communities into economic activity.
In addition, some of you may have a lot greater respect for the economist Joseph Stiglitz, who only recently reiterated in response to the economic crisis that our response as responsible members of our country should be based on social justice and solidarity, and one that goes beyond national boundaries. He stressed the need to reflect on the role of financial markets in the economy and said that they should be evaluated on how they serve citizens and they should not be an end in themselves.
This ANC government, and the next one coming in this year, is not, and will not be prepared to allow economic growth to be fuelled by unbridled greed and a new breed of predators. Instead we will ensure employment creation by state-led developmental institutions and we will provide decent work opportunities for all because working together, we can do more. Indeed we can. Viva South Africa! Viva! [Applause.]
On a point of order: I would like to congratulate the hon member on her recent marriage. [Applause.]
That's not a point of order.
Chairperson, on a point of order: I too should like to congratulate the hon Fubbs on her recent marriage. I do hope she returns as we have great entertainment at her expense.
We may as well all congratulate her.
Chairperson, times are tough. Unemployment in South Africa, including those who are no longer looking for a job, sits at 36% and accounts for about 7 million people. Most are young, black and unskilled, and have given up hope.
With the global economic downturn, this situation is worsening daily. In the mining sector alone, more than 20 000 jobs have already been lost. However, trade unions in the mining sector have demonstrated a sense of responsibility. The chairman of the National Union of Mine Workers in the North West said their members were willing to give up holidays in order to keep production going and avert further job losses.
Now, if it's okay for workers to negotiate to preserve jobs, why is it not okay for job seekers to negotiate to get a job and why should companies specialising in placing people in jobs fear being closed down?
Let's look at this situation: Company A offers short-term contract work to unemployed and unskilled people. It pays R46 per day for manual work, which is well below the minimum wage, without medical aid or pension fund benefits.
On the other hand, company B offers short and medium-term contracts to unskilled and semiskilled workers. It complies with all the requirements of the Labour Relations Act, the Basic Conditions of Employment Act and the Bargaining Council Agreements. It also complies with legislation regarding employee deductions for tax, unemployment insurance and occupational injury insurance and contributes to medical aid and pension funds.
It is clear that company A falls far behind company B in providing rewards and benefits to its workers. Well, let me tell you, company A is the government's Expanded Public Works Programme, while company B is a private company called Intuthuko Group Holdings. They are labour brokers. Yet, the private company fears closure for allegedly not providing decent work.
This example illustrates that governments don't provide sustainable jobs; they only provide relief in the form of public works programmes during times of economic hardship. The private sector creates jobs, especially small and medium firms. For a vivid example, look at North and South Korea. North Korea, with its centrally controlled economy, cannot feed its own population; while South Korea, with its free market, prospers.
While smaller firms often need to employ more workers, they don't because of the myriad of rules and regulations, too high minimum wages forced on them by collective bargaining, the cyclical nature of their businesses and because it's too difficult, too costly and too time-consuming to fire people who are not performing.
On the one hand, there is a huge pool of unemployed people who are desperate for a job, and on the other, there are local businesses who need to employ people, but don't. We need a bridge to cross this divide. Legitimate labour brokers can play this role by managing the administrative and legal responsibilities of small companies and directing job seekers to employers. In his state of the nation address President Motlanthe said:
A country that does not ensure the involvement of all its population at all levels of economic activity is certainly going to perform well below its actual potential.
The DA agrees with him. Therefore, a DA government will allow law-abiding labour brokers to help connect the two sides of the labour divide, amend job-crushing labour laws to encourage the private sector to employ more people, give tax breaks and wage subsidies to companies for employing first time job seekers, and let job seekers decide for themselves under which conditions they are prepared to work. This way, we can give back hope and restore the dignity of our people. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon members, the debate before us is very real and relevant. The times facing us call for urgent resolve. The global economic meltdown is negatively impacting on industries, causing major distress and closure of major production lines.
Worldwide we see massive job losses and foreclosure on homes. Time does not permit me to give details, but the numbers and statistics are frightening. Yet the numbers don't show the clear picture of what is happening as more and more workers are casualised; more and more workers are outsourced to labour brokers; and more and more workers fall into the trap of low-paid jobs, insecurity and temporary forms of employment.
As a result of the job losses, food prices are on the increase at a faster pace than the state social security system can handle. Coupled with these spiralling levels of unemployment, this spells disaster for ordinary South Africans.
Access to a job means access to dignity. It is a legitimate expectation, even after 15 years of democracy. A denial of a job is a denial of a social economic right, hence culminating in a deficit of trust in the present government. Consequently, the unemployed are unable to contribute either as producers or consumers. The impact of this exclusion of large numbers of people from effective participation in society has a serious effect on social stability. They are denied economic emancipation.
One point that holds true throughout the world is this: To invest in decent work is not only a driver for fairness and justice, but also a move towards better economic performance, more effective public policy and better governance. In so doing, we must ensure that our labour laws are fair and flexible. Show me an economy that grows without jobs or job creation without a growing economy. You cannot - the two are interlinked. There is no such thing as a jobless economy.
Most industries have learned that decent work makes decent workers. It will mean having policies in place to retrain the most vulnerable workers. Yes, the Setas are not working and we need an overhaul here. Billions are spent, yet the quantitative results tell a different story. Setas are fraught with their own problems. The results are uneven and fractured.
Decent work is fairly paid work, safe work, working in an environment that is gender-blind, in a nurturing environment. Pressures are put on the South African skills stocks, and this is likely to continue in the near future.
Decent work is what lifts people out of poverty. It gives them a sense of dignity; it gives them a sense of confidence and opportunity. Even when people have jobs today their level of insecurity and uncertainty has mounted. Perhaps the most worrying aspect of the current job situation is its impact on young people. Research shows that it takes a young person anywhere from 18 months to 36 months to find a job.
Employment and improvement of working conditions have been frustratingly slow. Research shows that close to 70% of our youth are unemployed and the challenges are indeed immense. Any policy has to transcend race, gender and identity.
As we approach the elections, we face critical choices over what solutions to adopt. Democracy demands that this should be debated and contested. Recently, the leader of the IFP, the hon Prince Mangosuthu Buthelezi, said:
We don't need any more political statements. We don't need any more conferences or summits. We need action.
People are waiting for policies of action. They don't need rhetoric; they need tangible results. Thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, the ACDP is in full agreement that efforts to eradicate unemployment have a far greater chance of success if the building of local industries is a key focus. In order to create decent or good, honest work we must not only build what is local but attract industries from near and far to relocate to South Africa.
The ACDP is convinced that a particular focus on rural development through incentives for industries to relocate to rural areas, will address many problems, including those resulting from mass urban migration; incentives that include the necessary infrastructure and training facilities for relevant skills to facilitate these industries. It will also be important to reduce the cost and obstacles of doing business. Steps must be taken to reduce red tape and streamline approval processes. The ACDP would like to see greater support for small business development with greater access to financial assistance and mentorship programmes; more privatisation and labour-intensive initiatives; the streamlining of labour legislation to remove obstructions to growth within the framework of fair labour practices; a focus on investment in infrastructure to address the power crisis, ports, roads, public transportation, water and sanitation systems; the development of a culture of savings, investment and the patient building of capital, and hard work.
We would also like to see broader socioeconomic upliftment instead of the current culture of entitlement and the enrichment of a small group; training and development within industries through grants, tax incentives for apprenticeship, appropriate skills and for labour-intensive practices; a greater emphasis on beneficiation or adding value to raw materials, particularly in the mining and agricultural industries; initiatives to address the developmental challenges of women, in particular rural women; and intensified efforts towards fair trade internationally.
The ACDP believes that this will lead to the creation of decent work, of jobs and entrepreneurship, helping us to win the fight against unemployment. The ACDP has noted with interest that in both rural and urban communities, initiatives centred on working with markets that draw on existing activities among the poor have proven beneficial and should be encouraged. Where goods and services are delivered without linking people to market opportunities, despite good intentions these initiatives are just not sustainable and ultimately fail, leaving people more despondent than ever.
The role of the state should always be primarily that of providing security; upholding the rule of law; ensuring society has the right institutions and infrastructure for effective development; building capacity; extending property rights to as many as possible; and providing an uncomplicated regulatory framework. Thank you.
Chairperson, I would like to thank the last two speakers for really thoughtful contributions, in particular the hon Dudley. I think we can talk to each other and do business. Your approach was a very positive one and much to be welcomed, in contrast with the hon Dreyer's contribution.
We talk about "Neanderthal man", but there is also "Neanderthal woman", and it is quite remarkable how the values she espouses are really harking back decades, if not centuries. I mean to argue today that the labour market brokers make a positive contribution to South Africa, is really quite remarkable. The labour brokers' job is to undermine permanent jobs, well- established jobs that are protected precisely by collective bargaining, which is part of our history and part of our liberation.
Have you not heard that the movement that brought this democracy and yourself to this House was based on defending the rights of workers against labour brokers? The labour brokers are actually a pain, a sore spot in the sight of people like us who want to see a decent South Africa.
Furthermore, the hon Dreyer - and I could spend my whole speech on her, but I will just make one more point - cites the statistics of 36% unemployment. Clearly, you can cite statistics about unemployment every day and they will differ. The truth is that we all know unemployment for what it is, but it is very difficult to define.
The International Labour Organisation has made one definition, which in my opinion is a rather silly one. Unemployment is defined by the ILO as "somebody who is paid for one hour a week". That is called an employed person. Clearly, it is far too sweeping and really unacceptable. It is very difficult to define unemployment as it is difficult to define employment in a developing country. If you go to any country across Africa you will see that there are grades of employment, part-time employees, voluntary employees, and so on; so one cannot cite the statistics of 36% as though it is a fact. This is a matter of careful definition and we need much more science than the hon member brought to the process. [Interjections.]
Chairperson, would the hon member Turok like to take a question?
I would love to take a question.
Does the hon member deny that we have an unemployment problem in South Africa?
I am grateful for that question and the answer is yes, we have a very substantial unemployment problem. There is no doubt about that, and one of the reasons for the increase of unemployment is because there are many, many new entrants to the labour market.
The fact of the matter is that democracy in South Africa has brought many women into the labour market who would never have been there under apartheid. [Applause.]
Secondly, the removal of the pass laws, the removal of all the apartheid laws, has brought freedom to many people, which they didn't have before and now they are looking for work. This is something, in a way, to recognise and even to celebrate because those people now feel that they can be part of the workforce, whereas if you had been in power before 1994, they would still have had the apartheid legislation and all the rest. So, the answer is yes. [Applause.]
Let me pay attention to the rest of the resolution facing us, and that is the question of decent work. Some people interpret the clause "decent work" as referring only to formal sector employees working in industry or in the service sector. We have discussed this thing at Polokwane and at the alliance economic summit, and we came up with a definition of what decent work means.
I hope the hon members on this side will accept that it is not only people in formal sector jobs who want decent work. There are plenty of people in the informal sector and in the second economy who also want decent work. Indeed, there are many casual workers - the kind of people that the labour brokers are so keen on - who also want decent work, so the ANC stands for decent work for everyone at all levels, even the most casual by-products of the formal sector. We want decent work and it is a very important concept that we must take forward.
Let me spend a little time on the question of building local industries, which is not as simple as some people think. The fact of the matter is, this government is about to embark on a huge infrastructure programme. It is important that that infrastructure programme should not only be carried out by the large construction firms in South Africa and international firms, but this infrastructure programme should be carried out with two things in mind.
Firstly, it must open up the whole country's economic activity, including the rural areas. We must ensure that the infrastructure programme also leads to decent roads in the Transkei and the former homelands. Therefore, infrastructure must be seen, not merely as the Gautrain and highways between the major cities of South Africa, but also as instruments of opening up the whole of South Africa, including the underdeveloped rural areas which have been neglected for so long.
Secondly, the infrastructure programme must surely include semiskilled workers and even unskilled workers who are given work, and not only highly- skilled workers in automated companies using high-quality machinery.
What kind of local industries do we want? I think sometimes we've been confused by the notion that all industries must be export-oriented, that the main way of developing South Africa must be through export-led growth. I don't agree! It seems to me that what the local industries must do is to provide work for people and goods for the local economy, and they must focus on the domestic market.
Indeed, there is a large debate internationally as to whether economic development and economic progress must be focused only on the international globalisation arena or whether industrial development and industries, local industries in particular, ought not to be primarily focused on the communities in which they are based and on the local market.
Let me give you an example, I visited Kgalagadi near Kuruman not long ago. It is an area with a great deal of mining. None of those mines are integrated in any way into the local community. When I asked people there what kind of local economy they have, they said they don't have an economy, forgetting that there are large mining companies in that area which are exporting South Africa's resources without any benefit to the local people in that area.
So when we talk about unemployment, decent work and building local industries, let us go to those very mining companies and tell them that we require them to outsource locally; to employ locally; to build infrastructure programmes, and above all to beneficiate so that we have local products and commodities which are part of the South African economy.
In summing up, I want to say that South Africa is very rich in natural resources, but the riches of South Africa do not benefit South Africa. They benefit companies overseas and they provide low-price commodities externally and internationally. It is time we reversed that. Our mineral and natural resources must generally benefit South Africa.
If you want to know more, please read my new book From the Freedom Charter to Polokwane: The Evolution of ANC Economic Policy. I recommend this to the hon Dreyer. Thank you.
Chairperson, this morning the SABC 2 news had a member of the Small Business Development Agency who certainly offered glimmers of hope for the development of the sector. However, progress is slow and the effects of poverty are vast.
While we certainly can applaud the rate at which jobs are created, we cannot applaud the lack of security in long-term employment and the fact that many of these posts should not been done away with, leaving families in a similar situation on the expiration of contracts.
Another matter of concern is that the agriculture and mining industries remain at the forefront and their condition remains on the drawing board. The hon Minister of Finance's indication of investing in rural South Africa and providing assistance to farmers does give the rural communities a ray of hope, but many remain unemployed.
We need to necessitate the production and selling of South African goods, with South African labels, and made by South Africans. We need to look at all ends of manufacturing and create a totally self-sufficient industry that employs and empowers our people. We need job security, long-term security, which is established by creating opportunities through sustainable industrial growth. I thank you.
Chairperson, hon members and the Federation of Democrats, a member of the CDA believes that the time has come to change the way we think about economics.
Traditionally, economics is about the survival of the fittest as the better way of doing things to attain what is good for society. Such reasoning creates the practice that resources or production are best utilised within a system of monopolies and cartels and that the surviving businesses must fight and bribe each other to procure business deals. At individual level, people almost destroy one another to get ahead, which is seen as an acceptable practice.
Unemployment is partly a consequence of resources being controlled by a few powerful businesses which determine the flow of supply and demand. We need a radically different global economic system. An economic system based on greed and the exploitation of people cannot survive the test of time. The global economy is facing its most dire challenge since 1939. Most First World countries are in recession and possibly depression.
We need a more compassionate market system that can limit our dependence on foreign market controls. Yes, we have to contest at global market levels, but when such contests threaten our own ability to feed and employ our nation, other measures must be initiated. For instance, our clothing industry, once a proud industry of employment, had to be substituted with inferior imports from foreign nations that are known to exploit cheap labour. We must put labour back in the hands of our people.
We must create industries that protect our environment. We build cars, but they contribute to the pollution of the environment. Let us build more railways; invest more in a public transport system that is close to the people and that reduces the costs of their travel. We need a new labour deal that differentiates between global and national requirements. I thank you.
Voorsitter, agb kollegas, vergun my 'n opregte dankie-s geleentheid met my laaste parlementre toespraak na 40 jaar in die aktiewe politiek.
Ek het geen ander grootmenslewe geken nie en is aan die einde van 1969 direk van die universiteitsbanke by die Nasionale Party van Kaapland as voltydse amptenaar aangestel. Na diens in Kaapstad, Kimberley en Oos-Londen is ek in 1979 deur die Worcesterkiesafdeling, wat my geboortedorp, Robertson, insluit, verkies tot die Provinsiale Raad van Kaapland.
Ek is sedertdien die unieke geleentheid gegun om oor 'n dienstyd van ses termyne die kiesers van die Breriviervallei te verteenwoordig. Die ou provinsiale raad, die Volksraad, die Wes-Kaapse parlement en nou die Nasionale Vergadering.
As ek vandag dankie s aan die mense van Worcester en Robertson, dan is dit met 'n uiterste besef van die liefde, lojaliteit en ondersteuning wat so onverdiend mildelik myne was oor drie dekades heen. Waar ek hier tussen u staan met 'n hart vol dankbaarheid na 'n politieke lewe vol hoogtepunte wat ek vir geen ander lewe sou wou verruil nie, 'n paar gedagtes vir die pad vorentoe.
'n Politikus wat met albei voete in Kaapstad geplant staan en skaars grondvat in sy of haar bedieningsgebied, versaak 'n groter roeping en doen die beeld van 'n verteenwoordiger skade aan. Ek het in my loopbaan dikwels belowende parlementslede aan die hand van hul ondersteuningsbasis tuis gesien sneuwel, omrede die kiesafdelingsdeel van hul roeping afgeskeep is.
Deernis en nederigheid, vir my oneindig belangriker as vertoon en aanstellerigheid, verseker 'n plek in ons mense se harte. Hoe geringer u en ek onsself aanslaan in die o van ons steunbasis, hoe hor sal hulle ons ag en die monumente wat u en ek staangemaak het in antwoord op die behoeftes in ons gemeenskappe - huise, paaie, dienste, welsynshulp, brood op die tafel, maar ook infrastruktuur vir di wat deur entrepreneurskap welvaart moet skep - is geensins minderwaardag aan die rol wat ons in hierdie plek gespeel het om die demokrasie sterk te maak nie en sal die een been nie staan sonder die steun van die ander nie.
Ek sien rykhalsend uit na die terugkeer van die kiesafdelingstelsel in ons land wanneer parlementslede weer volle verantwoording vir hul doen en late op die tuisfront verskuldig sal wees. Dit is die ware remedie vir kliekforming, nepotisme, swak dienslewering en al die onwelriekende goggas wat spruit uit die huidige gebrekkige stelsel, 'n stelsel tans waar die partyleier die enigste kieser is wat tevrede gehou moet word om nog 'n termyn te verseker.
Kollegas, ons teenwoordigheid hier is tydelik - vyf, tien, vyftien jaar as ons gelukkig is. Al my dank aan my Hemelse Vader wat my so uitermate gesen het en aan my vrou, Carlin, en ons kinders wat met hul bystand alles moontlik gemaak het.
Meer mense het tot my en my lewe en roeping bygedra as wat ek ooit kan vergoed - vrywillig, lojaal en onbaatsugtig. Dankie aan hulle daar buite. [Applous.] Mag u voel dat ook ons geringe bydrae sal help verseker dat hierdie geliefde land onder die Suiderkruis sal slaag. Ek dank u. [Applous.] (Translation of Afrikaans speech follows.)
[Mr R J KING: Chairperson, hon colleagues, allow me an opportunity to express my heartfelt gratitude in my last parliamentary speech after having been actively involved in active politics for 40 years. I have not known any other adult life.
I was appointed as a full-time official at the National Party in the Cape Province at the end of 1969, straight after university. After serving in Cape Town, Kimberley and East London, I was elected by the Worcester constituency, which includes Robertson, my home town, to the Cape Provincial Council in 1979.
I have since been afforded the unique opportunity to represent the voters of the Breede River Valley for a period of six terms in the previous Provincial Council, the House of Assembly, the Western Cape parliament and now the National Assembly.
When I thank the people of Worcester and Robertson today, it is with a deep realisation of the love, loyalty and support that were so undeservingly afforded me over the past three decades. I am standing amongst you with a heart full of gratitude following a political life filled with highlights that I would not want to exchange for any other.
Herewith, a few ideas for the road ahead: A politician whose feet are firmly planted in Cape Town and who barely touches base with his or her constituency is deserting a higher calling and damaging the image of a representative. In my career I have often seen promising Members of Parliament fall at the hands of their support base within their constituency, the reason being that they have neglected the constituency part of their calling.
Empathy and humility, to me infinitely more important than pretence and having airs, ensure a place in the hearts of our people. The more insignifant you and I regard ourselves in the eyes of our support base, the more they will honour us. And the monuments that you and I have established in answer to the needs of our communities - houses, roads, services, social assistance, food on the table, as well as infrastructure for those who have to create wealth through entrepreneurship - are by no means inferior to the role that we have played here in strengthening our democracy; and the one will not exist without support from the other.
I am eagerly looking forward to a return to the constituency system in our country whereby Members of Parliament will once again be held fully accountable for their actions in their constituencies. That would be a true remedy for the formation of cliques, nepotism, poor service delivery and all those nasty little gremlins which arise from the current defective system, a system where currently the party leader is the only voter to be satisfied in order to ensure another term.
Colleagues, our presence here is temporary - five, ten, fifteen years if we are lucky. All praise goes to my Heavenly Father who has so abundantly blessed me, and to my wife Carlin and our children who, through their support, have made everything possible.
More people have contributed voluntarily, loyally and unselfishly to my life and my calling than I could ever repay. Thank you to all those outside. [Applause.] May you feel that our small contribution will contribute towards ensuring that this beloved country beneath the Southern Cross will attain success. I thank you. [Applause.]]
Madam Speaker, members of the executive present here, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, we have reached yet another milestone when millions of South Africans will gather at various polling stations around our land to practise their democratic right of electing a government of their choice. And yet this is also a period laden with a number of challenges. For that reason it is also an opportune moment for leaders to be carried away by words and political rhetoric.
While logic and dialectics should be guided by philosophical constructs to win the hearts of potential voters, history should reign over words.
Chairperson, since 1994, the ANC has worked hard to free our people from the chains of poverty. Our history tells a story of an organisation that has championed the will of the people through the Freedom Charter, which states that the people shall govern, share in the country's wealth, be equal before the law and enjoy human rights; that there shall be work and security; that the doors of learning shall be open; that there shall be houses, security and comfort; and that there shall be peace and friendship.
And that for these freedoms, we shall continue to fight side by side throughout our lives until our people have broken the chains of poverty! Our history as a people's movement confirms that the ANC, and only the ANC, can fight unemployment, create decent work and build an efficient economy. Using the words of the great leader of our time, the late OR Tambo, I quote:
Just as we shall never rest till we are freed so shall we work till all the non-Europeans get equal treatment.
This election year comes at a time of global crisis. South Africa, as a player in the global markets, is not immune to all these developments. Already faced with massive challenges, the South African labour market is heavily burdened with poverty and inequality, which are as a result of an extremely skewed income distribution.
While there has been steady economic growth of 2,7% per annum between 1995 and 2002, disappointingly this rate has not yet been fast enough for a fast- growing population. Inequality has increased and the workers' share of national income has been declining. Accompanying high unemployment and inequality is the rising cost of living for many of our people.
The period after 1994 saw the unemployment rate increase to a 31% peak, but it fell to 23% in 2003. The ANC government has been swimming against the tide since 1994 to change perceptions about our country, our continent and about our abilities as Africans to be more than what our colonial masters perceived us to be.
The battle is not yet won! While there are a fast-growing number of black people who now fall within the middle class, the Bureau of Market Research released statistical findings which confirm that the white population still dominates the high-income bracket.
In recognition of the global labour market development, the ANC has recommitted itself to the creation of decent work opportunities for all South Africans. That is what the DA doesn't know about - decent work - and I hope Mrs Dreyer got a good lecture from the hon Turok. The emergence of atypical forms of work, which are nonstandard forms of employment, poses a serious threat to the protection of workers, particularly those in vulnerable sectors.
Workers who fall in this category are deprived of their workplace rights as they are regarded as casuals. Their employment relations are shaped to deprive them of their statutory and constitutional rights as employees. These are farmworkers, domestic workers, home workers and security guards, amongst others.
The real challenge rests with employers who discard their responsibilities, hiding behind the legislation. A study that examined cases referred to the CCMA and Labour Court found that the majority of cases were dismissed due to the difficulty in determining the correct employer.
Theoretically, part-time and temporary workers are protected by the Basic Conditions of Employment Act. However, certain provisions are not readily applicable to workers in part-time or temporary positions, or are bluntly not applied in practice.
Subsequent to these practices, there are also disparities in wages between workers in standard employment and externalised employment. This makes reasonable business sense and is logical. However, it also has fatal consequences for decent work and socioeconomic rights as preserved by the Constitution.
While we continue to search for solutions, Namibia has taken bold steps in curbing these forms of abuses. In the decision by the High Court of Namibia, the government won a case which outlaws labour brokers in the country.
Namibia has set the pace for us as well, that we should put a stop to employers who choose to pay low wages, hire and fire with ease, without any trouble at all. As a result of feminisation of poverty, it is mostly female workers who are attracted to these informal employment arrangements and the poor wages paid to them do not ensure poverty alleviation.
Hence the current labour market reproduces gender and race inequalities because most casual workers are either female or African. In short, casualisation of work, or labour brokerage, moves against all that we continue to fight for: an equal society, where all citizens, regardless of race or gender, should have equal socioeconomic rights. For this reason, government has to swiftly address legislative gaps.
Equally, to remedy all these numerous setbacks, we have to put in place measures that have resulted in 500 000 new jobs being created annually since 2004 and have expanded the UIF coverage to include nearly a million domestic workers and farmworkers.
Other laws aimed at workers include those setting out basic conditions of employment, regulations setting minimum wages for domestic workers, farmworkers, those in the taxi industry and security sectors. These measures will undoubtedly form the basis to move forward with our campaign against poverty and inequality.
These new realities call for us to rethink how we create jobs and which sectors to focus on. In reality, we cannot continue operating as we did before this global crisis. Those of us who have been entrusted with the responsibility ... [Interjections.] Working together, we can do more! [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Debate concluded.