Chair, hon Minister, members of the House, members of the Diplomatic Corps, and South Africans, South Africa's foreign policy has had an impressive start from 1994. With clear principles and norms underpinning our regional and global relations, some of the most notable achievements include contributing towards the establishment of the African Union and its socioeconomic programme, namely the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, commitment to economic development through regional integration in the Southern African Development Community, SADC, region, as well as within the context of the Southern African Customs Union, SACU, the establishment and the sourcing of the Pan-African Parliament, commitment to peacemaking and conflict prevention, promotion of international peace and security, democratisation within the continent and the role that South Africa played in various multilateral fora.
Recently, there are two distinct elements that have emerged strongly within the South African foreign policy: the Africa Agenda and South-South co- operation. Underpinning this focus is recognition that South Africa cannot enjoy prosperity whilst surrounded by a sea of poverty in its neighbourhood, as was articulated by the first Minister of Foreign Affairs in South Africa, the late Alfred Nzo.
The Congress of the People believes that contributing to Africa's development is an expression of the so-called enlightened self-interest in that it generates mutual beneficial outcomes and creates conditions for balanced development. In the long run, growth and development in Africa will provide an important market for South Africa. The political ties that we have cultivated in the continent during the past 15 years need to be nurtured and strengthened. Thus, COPE is of the view that the Africa Agenda should be the centrepiece of our foreign policy.
However, Madam Chair, there are gaps that we have observed. First, there is no clear sense of prioritisation, within the context of the African Agenda, of countries in the department as to how the Department of International Relations and Co-operation sets out to pursue the African Agenda. It is not immediately evident where South Africa intends to make the most impact. South Africa cannot continue to spread itself thinly throughout the continent. It has to identify strategy partners and countries so that it can leverage its support and ensure that it pumps in its resources around those strategy partners within the continent.
The second one is the African Agenda. It seems to be devoid of a sharply pointed commercial strategy that delineates South Africa's economic interests as defined by our domestic development framework and industrial policies. There is a very strong emphasis on political relations at the expense of meaningful commercial engagement. We are calling for a balanced approach between those two areas.
So much energy has been spent by South Africa on ensuring that we build peace within the continent and in ensuring that we reconstruct countries during the postconflict period. However, we have failed to capitalise on our political investments for commercial gain for fear of being rendered as hegemonic or neocolonialist. Instead, other external countries are benefiting at the expense of our sweat and our labour.
Yes, I agree entirely with the hon Minister on the question of the Economic Partnership Agreements, EPAs. It is, indeed, a very important and a strategic question that we need to address as South Africa. However, we must address it as a matter of priority, because it is weakening the political influence of South Africa within the region. It is also weakening South Africa's influence in so far as the major markets and within the continent. Therefore, it is important that the department comes up with a clearly worked roadmap in this regard; a roadmap which sets out regional integration and major important areas that we need to focus on in ensuring that we remain a very strong player within the region.
The third area is engaging within the SACU context. Our view is that South Africa needs to forestall this possibility by engaging the countries that have signed the EPA: Botswana, Lesotho and Swaziland. It is clear that these countries are now drifting towards the European Union, EU, and its influence, and we have to find a way of engaging with them and to solidify and ensure that the goals of the regional integration are not missed.
We have to send a very strong message to the EU. South Africa needs to send this about the aggressive manner in which it has negotiated the EPA and which has opened up deep divisions in the region and placed SACU on the brink of collapse. We have to find a way of ensuring that, and we send this message very clearly. Perhaps it may be necessary for us to start engagement within the context of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Comesa, to strengthen our position.
On South-South co-operation, South Africa has also made the correct observation that the new gravity of power lies with major developing powers such as China, Brazil and India. Given the dynamic changes in the global economy and the challenges that these pose, one would expect that by now there would be a well-defined strategic approach to engaging with these countries.
Accordingly, Cope would like to note the following points. There is a glaring omission on how we should engage with China, given its economic weight and the potential threat that it poses, both in our domestic economy and in contesting the African markets. We believe that there should be a differentiated approach to the South. Such an approach should take into view different countries' economic weights and commercial interest. We cannot afford to enter these relations blindly.
We believe there is a need for well-defined linkages in the South-South strategy and the African Agenda, which, at the present moment, is not well articulated. We agree with the department and the Minister on the issue of Zimbabwe that we need to be much more vocal on our call for the lifting of economic sanctions by Western countries against the government of Zimbabwe, to enhance speedy recovery from the socioeconomic crisis that is threatening the stability of the region.
On the issue of Sudan, we are of the mind that we need to give support to the AU Panel on Darfur that works for peace and to a genuine two state solution in the Middle East. We are of the view that the Western Sahara issue is a long-standing issue that has to be dealt with as a matter of priority, because this has been put on the backburners of international debates. This is really very important. Thank you. [Applause.]
THE HOUSE CHAIRPERSON (Mr M B Skosana): I would have given the hon member injury time. Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon members, the IFP congratulates Ms Maite Nkoana-Mashabane on the honour bestowed upon her by her appointment as the Minister in the new Department of International Relations and Co-operation. In the same breath, we welcome the two Deputy Ministers and also the new chairperson of the portfolio committee.
Due to my long association with the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs, I am tempted to say, Minister, you have also inherited an excellent team of men and women who have always endeavoured to be the best in what they do. The hon Minister recently indicated to this portfolio committee that the international financial and economic contraction was making a huge impact on the delivery capacity of the department on pronounced governmental priorities, as articulated in the state of the nation address of 2009.
A serious plea from some of us is that the African Agenda be spared any significant cuts. South Africa has a historical and moral obligation to assist in the culmination of the Third World Project, bequeathed to Africa through the first Pan-African Conference in London in 1900, the League against Imperialism and Colonialism in Brussels in 1927, the Bandung Principles of 1955 and the Afro-Asian Peoples' Solidarity in Cairo of 1957.
The Third World agenda was, and still is, the pursuit of freedom, justice, peace, democracy and development. Therefore, this African liberation project is not complete.
Hon Minister, the IFP welcomes Programme 3 on Public Diplomacy, in particular the focus on the domestic sphere. Too often when it is mentioned that the President was responsible for South Africa's foreign policy, the public is left with the impression of a state-centric foreign policy dictated exclusively by the President and a small elite. Therefore, diplomatic workshops, conferences and public meetings are absolutely necessary to involve the South African public in the process of foreign policy formulation.
Often, Minister, in international trade relations, countries that wield the most economic muscle write the rules of trade. That is a fact. It is like the dictum that the one who controls the economy and the finances controls also the political state. It was, therefore, not accidental that South Africa shared the same predicament with the Republic of China, when it came to the visit of the Dalai Lama to South Africa. It was a classic case of the dictates of economic dominance and dependence. Here exists, Madam Speaker, a vexed universal question: that of promoting the culture of human rights within a chaotic atmosphere of relations between States.
In conclusion, while the US and the quartet led by the former Prime Minister of Britain, Mr Tony Blair, work to persuade Israel to accept and actively support a truly independent and sovereign Palestinian state, South Africa should concentrate on bringing about the unity and the co-operation of the Palestinian people. At the moment, Madam Minister, they are in disarray. This factionalism is an impediment to successful political negotiations with Israel. The IFP supports this Budget Vote. [Applause.]