Chairperson, members of the Cabinet, hon members of the NA, the members of the Portfolio Committee, members of the diplomatic corps, ladies and gentlemen and fellow South Africans, let me start by congratulating the Minister of the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dico, for a comprehensive and a forward looking speech that sets the ambitious agenda for the coming session and beyond. But before I move on, allow me to digress for a moment.
As a new member of this House and, especially since I'm nominated as the Chairperson of the Portfolio Committee, I have been asking these questions: What is my role here? What is the role of the portfolio committee in relation to the department? Yes, I'm aware of the oversight role we are to play and I'm inspired by the injunction from President Zuma to hold Ministers to account. But what does that mean in practice?
For enlightenment, I turned to the Sunday Times newspaper, particularly an analysis of the state of the nation address in the City Press on 7 June 2009 which quotes the political analyst, Chris Landsberg, on foreign affairs, and I quote:
It's an institutionalised strategic and policy legacy; even if you want to change it radically, you can't.
Now, I'm worried - no radical change is possible? A commentator I greatly respect, Professor Sipho Seepe, supports this view by saying, "Differences, now, are about style and not policy."
As hon members of this House, I think we need to question this conclusion; otherwise we will become the rubberstamp that President Zuma warned against. To this end, I'm going to make two propositions which I table for debate and comments: Firstly, Parliament and the portfolio committee, in particular, need to play a role in facilitating a debate on foreign policy issues to foster public understanding and awareness and to provide a platform for solidarity and civil society to raise issues of concern. Secondly, our understanding of international relations will be enriched by the greater knowledge of the social structures of the countries that we interact with so that we assume a departure away from international relations being the strict preserve of the ruling elite, academia and diplomatic community, and that we integrate other interested parties and stakeholders.
This needs to be democratised and transformed. For example, we all hailed Nepad as a progressive policy, which sought to place Africans in charge of their own economic destiny. It was a massive step forward from the neoliberal dependency model that preceded it. But the South African and the African trade union movement raised questions: Where was the input from the civil society organisations and labour? The economic model underlying Nepad looked uncomfortably close to that of neoliberalism. We never debated that and today neoliberalism is in crisis.
It has been noted, albeit with great concern, that African development initiatives, including Nepad, tend to rely heavily on assistance from external partners that do not have an obligation towards the AU. This means that such initiatives may suffer should the partners decide to shift their priorities. Assistance from our international partners is welcomed provided that it does not come with conditions. Our aim should be to avoid the legacy of the disastrous policies akin to the structural adjustment programmes that left many African countries poor and with weak governing structures.
As South Africans we benefited greatly from the solidarity of the rest of the world who were appalled by the racist oppression that prevailed under apartheid. Anti-apartheid movements, the trade unions, faith and civil society organisations were moved by our common humanity and pressured their government to take a progressive stance. In this way, they were often assisted by the political parties, legislatures and parliamentary committees in other countries. I think we have sometimes been slow to show the same kind of solidarity - that is, basic humanity - that we benefited from. I definitely see a role here for the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operation in promoting what I call a mass- based, activist approach to international relations and international solidarity.
Let me also say that it is dangerous to exclude the masses from our debate on international relations. Yes, economic deprivation was a root cause of the xenophobia outbreak last year. Yes, delayed responses in managing the influx of foreign nationals was a contributory factor. But I also feel that the absence of a public debate and understanding on immigration set the scene for the xenophobic catastrophe last year.
In raising these debates, the portfolio committee has an important to play in combating racism and xenophobia and the implementation of the recommendations by the World Conference against Racism, Xenophobia and other forms of Discrimination.
Let us start right now by celebrating the decade-long interaction between the workers of South Africa and the rest of the sub-continent, which underpinned the mining industry and the economic development of South Africa. Let us remember that the leader of South Africa's massive Industrial and Commercial Workers Union, ICU, in the 1920s was Clement Kadalie. He was a Malawian.
My second proposition is that South Africa's foreign policy since 1994, crudely stated, was short on class analysis. Let me pause and pay tribute to the principles that have guided this country's foreign policy since democracy.
We have boldly stated a progressive position, anti-imperialist and anticolonialist; support for the nonalignment and noninterference; respect for the sovereignty of nations and an agenda for the African empowerment and development. But if we don't recognise the social divisions within nations, we run the risk of siding with the elite against those who are oppressed.
Let me give an example I'm very familiar with as the president of Education International, the worldwide teachers' body. In Ethiopia, today, 200 000 teachers are denied the right to join the trade union of their choice. The Independent Ethiopian Teachers Association, ETA, formed in 1949, has been systematically repressed since 1993. Its assets were seized and handed to a progovernment group. Leaders and members of the ETA have been imprisoned, tortured and assassinated. Despite complaints from the ILO, there has been little protest from the African leaders. Currently, two individuals are still detained, Wubit Legamo and Meqcha Mengistu. During the torturing process, Wubit lost her five-month-old foetus.
Hon members, African countries must openly embrace the African Peer Review Mechanism and strictly abide by its recommendations. We cannot go into conferences and sign conventions, only to have them become an irony in terms of what is happening in our countries. This will eventually allow for open debates on where the headquarters of our continental organisations should be.
It is our duty to raise these uncomfortable questions even with our own executive. Our Constitution is founded on the principle of respect for human rights. We need to emphasise that workers' rights are also human rights. Let me take forward this train of thought: As a result of South Africa's relatively strong economic position on the continent, South African companies have expanded rapidly into the rest of the continent, bringing jobs and investment.
A less charitable interpretation is that South African capital acts as a sub-imperialist power on the continent in pursuit of profit at any cost. Can I suggest that this house needs to be developing a code of conduct for such companies, so that they respect labour and human rights while acting in partnership with other countries to promote sustainable and socially responsible development.
The Shell company was recently embarrassed by its activities in Nigeria. South African companies should learn from that.
As this legislature, I believe we have recently come down heavily on the side of promoting peace and democracy on the continent. Let me quote from the ANC 2008 briefing document on foreign affairs:
In reality, a symbiotic relationship exists between armed conflicts and economic poverty. Where armed conflict is widespread, economic poverty is exacerbated and sustainable development becomes impossible. In countries where poverty increases, the risk of instability and violence grows which means that poverty and underdevelopment are nothing less than a threat to democracy, peace and stability. This is because these economic realities generate conflict between individuals, communities and even countries.
Let me quote from the concluding remarks of President Obama's recent speech in Egypt, when he said: The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purposes of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."
However, we will not be able to move towards finding lasting peace throughout the globe under the current global governance. It is our duty to ensure that we foster a world where there is universal respect for human rights; where international security, development and adherence to international law are actively promoted.
The debate, as you correctly said, Minister, on the reform of the UN and in particular the UN Security Council, has been going on for a while now without any significant movement. It is understood that it is a great challenge to force change from above as countries that hold the veto power in the UN Security Council are reluctant to change the rules of the game.
Hon members, I thank you for your indulgence as I've digressed long enough. To return to the Minister's speech, let me comment briefly on the proposed SA Development Partnership Agency, which is crucial, I believe, to strengthening the African agenda.
As South Africans and Africans, for too long we've been passive recipients of aid, often with conditions attached. It is with pride that I look forward to the day that, as South Africans, we become net exporters of development aid.
I believe that this development reflects our commonly held belief that the economic wellbeing of this country is inextricably linked with the development of the continent at large. In particular, I believe that we have an obligation to assist in the development of the Frontline States and the neighbouring states, which sacrificed so much in the fight against the apartheid regime.
Let us remember those who died; let us remember the raids launched from this country by the racist apartheid army on Lesotho, Namibia, Botswana, Angola and Mozambique, during which innocent people were butchered in their sleep. Those countries suffered in defence of our cause, even economically.
The agency, clearly, has a role to play in expediting the implementation of the co-operation agreements, not only with our neighbouring states, but also with the rest of our development partners, especially in the South. We hope that this will lead to the wider regional development and contribute to sustained peace that will be the foundation for building democratic societies.
South Africa should broadly seek to strengthen bilateral relations with the African states at all levels of interaction, including at grassroots level. South Africa should seek to build bridges with the fellow African states and work with other countries to mitigate the effects of the food crisis that has been exacerbated by the global economic meltdown.
In this regard, government should forge strong partnerships with the country's nongovernmental organisations, particularly those that work in the humanitarian sector and engage them on the ways to lend assistance to other countries by, amongst other things, forming alliances with their counterparts in those countries.
Government is obliged to work with civil society through commitments made under Nepad and the Peer Review Mechanism. I'm very concerned by the R10 million cut in the programme for public diplomacy. This country needs to continue promoting its values, policies and image. This has become even more necessary during the current economic crisis with all its attendant political risks.
Since 1994, this country has been prominent in the call for the support of international peace and multilateralism. The signs are positive. Obama's presidency has sent out clear signals that it wishes to turn away from the unilateralism of the previous administration.
There's a new spirit abroad; a respect for the peoples of the different cultures and faiths. As South Africans, I believe we can identify with this spirit and we need to support these developments. Of course, we should always be mindful of the continuing threat from corporate elites that dominate the world economy.
Our role must be anchored, I repeat, in human rights, solidarity, peace and democracy. It should also be based on mutual respect and human rights, not just expanding markets and profits.
I want to send out a word of caution to those who have objections to relations between South Africa and China. Our co-operation with China is underpinned by our commitment to strengthening South-South relations and to the consolidation of the African agenda. China is also a partner in efforts ...