Deputy Speaker, the ACDP has chosen this topic for discussion because these issues have a significant impact on the people of South Africa. We believe that it is a topic they would like to apply their minds to and make an input on.
My starting point is the National Planning Commission, which has attempted to align South Africa's foreign policy with development priorities in the context of shifting global dynamics and achieving South Africa's national interests. In Chapter 7 of the National Development Plan, entitled "Positioning South Africa in the World", the National Planning Commission argues that government's global and regional policy-making stance should be South Africa-centric and improve its integration in the region, on the continent, among developing countries and in the world, with measurable outcomes.
The commission argues that policy should focus on what is achievable without overcommitting to regional and continental integration; it should be evaluated on a regular basis to ensure that national interests are maximised; and that it should achieve measurable outcomes related to food, energy, education, health, transport and communication infrastructure, national defence, adjustment to climate change and economic growth to benefit all South Africans.
I suspect that this debate will reveal a degree of consensus as to what constitutes our national interest. Of course, it could do just the opposite. It has been suggested that there is a need for a careful balance between national interests and other imperatives prioritised by South Africa, which makes me think - why would we prioritise anything that is not in our national interest?
The ACDP relates wholeheartedly to a vision of a better South Africa, a better Africa and a better world. However, we do expect our interaction with the international community to reflect national priorities such as human rights, job creation, poverty alleviation, etc. We also expect our foreign relations to contribute to an environment conducive to sustainable economic growth and development.
South Africa has sought to play an active role in conflict resolution across the African continent from a very early stage in our democracy. While we recognise and appreciate this role, we note with concern that South Africa does not seem to have been assertive enough in following up and establishing economic opportunities.
We hear the Deputy Minister saying that while South Africa would intervene to resolve the continent's festering disputes on moral grounds, such intervention was a strategic consideration as well. It makes sense. What doesn't make sense is the arbitrary nature of many responses, sometimes entirely based on moral grounds, the strategic, or just on past relationship.
A few years ago, when South Africa was openly supporting one Sudan, while supporting the right to self-determination of Sawhari in Morocco at present. At times, the ANC reminds me of the ACDP back in the 1990's, with our radical all-or-nothing approach in my opinion, thinking of not only South Africa's emotional and irrational handling of the Israel and Palestine issue, but also a UN motion on rape that South Africa chose not to support because it didn't go far enough.
There is no doubt in the thinking of the ACDP that peace and prosperity in Africa are intrinsically tied to our national interest. We recognise that no factor has hindered the realisation of the continent's vast potential more than the chronic outbreak of crises and conflict. We also share concerns that despite more than 70% of the Security Council deliberations being centred on conflict issues in Africa, and with 80% of UN peacekeepers deployed in Africa, not a single African country is a permanent member of the council.
We are told that South Africa's policies are guided by the philosophy of ubuntu, which reflects the belief that we affirm our humanity when we affirm the humanity of others. Putting others before ourselves in terms of ubuntu and our Christian beliefs is a concept most of us are familiar with and value.
However, it would be wise for South Africa to practice a degree of restraint in this regard and to prioritise the challenges facing our country, and then the continent, especially considering our financial constraints. When it comes down to the wire, all other countries put their own interests first. For some, of course, this means the interests of the people; and for others it is the interests of the powerful elite. Nevertheless, the principle is the same.
In the current shift in the global balance of power and the rapidly closing capability gap between the developed world and the emerging global south, an environment of opportunity has opened up for countries to expand their influence within their regions. There is no doubt that South Africa has committed to a stronger Southern African Development Community, SADC, which is clearly in our national interest.
When bordering states commit human rights abuses or fail to provide basic services and opportunities for their people to work and prosper, South Africa's limited resources, including our available land, are put under tremendous strain. It follows then, that stable government and development in the region is a plus for South Africa. I guess I should leave it there. I will get back to you with a summary once everybody has made their inputs. Thank you. [Applause.]
Thank you, hon member. Hon members, there is a lot of noise in the Chamber. In fact, there are discussions taking place that have absolutely nothing to do with the subject under discussion. May I ask hon members to just observe the proceedings please. I now recognise the hon Van der Merwe. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon members - Minister, I am glad to see you here - I want to thank the hon Dudley for placing this subject of debate on the table at this time when the National Planning Commission has just published the National Development Plan, NDP, for 2030.
I think that the chapter she referred to, "Positioning South Africa in the World", offers both a very serious critique of the global standing of South Africa, but also gives forward-looking proposals for repositioning South Africa in the region and the world, and I think this is what we must focus on.
I think the debate offers the opportunity, as she mentions, to reflect on some of these proposals, and then to take the debate further into our respective communities so that the plan becomes owned by all of us and the actions necessary for its implementation agreed on by all of us. Some of these actions will not be easy, and she pointed to that as well. In fact, some of the proposals in the plan will be very tough for us to agree on and, as the plan describes, in the interest of long-term growth and prosperity for our country, our region and our continent, might even have some short-term costs to our society. I want to talk about that.
To borrow the immortal film title from Steven Spielberg, let's go Back to the Future. Our NDP envisages that in 2030 we will live in a country that we have remade. It proposes that when we arrive in 2030, we will ask the question, who are we? We will answer thus:
We are Africans, we are an African country, we are part of a multinational region, we are an essential part of our continent and, being Africans, we are acutely aware of the wider world deeply implicated in our past and present, that the wider world carries some of our inheritance, and that we have learned a great deal from our complex past, adding continuously to our experience of being African.
That is what we will say in 2030. The past that we refer to in 2030 is not only the past as we see it today, but it is our present now and the future years between now and 2030. Now and in the next 18 years, we have the chance to remake the country so that those who will be sitting in this House in 2030 - maybe some of you - will give the answer that the NDP predicts.
The NDP suggests five goals that we need to aim for in order to secure South Africa's position in the world, mindful as hon Dudley had mentioned, of the rapidly changing global context.
The first goal will be to define our national interests, and I think one of my colleagues is going to deal with some of those national interests in more detail.
Secondly, we should aim to aggressively expand trade and investment in the region, on the continent and globally.
Thirdly, we should aim to harmonise our border polices. This is extremely important. Fourthly, we must aim to integrate national institutions responsible for foreign policy, international negotiations and monitoring and, finally, improve human security through effective transnational resource management and knowledge-sharing.
In the time allowed here, there are a few factors that I would like to draw from the NDP which I think need urgent attention, and that will have to be acted on urgently if we are to realise these goals. Broadly, these factors that I wish to draw your attention to are as follows: Firstly, our willingness to involve key sectors of our society in our international work; secondly, in pursuing trade in our region for the benefit of not only our own country, but our neighbours as well; thirdly, of unblocking the obstacles to regional integration and, finally, aligning government and societal actions to respond to the key growth drivers in our economy and that of the region.
I believe the first issue is that it is in our national interest that we work together with all segments of South African society in promoting our country in Africa and in the world. Our foreign policy is of course led by the Department of International Relations and Co-operation. Our diplomats are spread across the world and form a vital network from which South Africa engages with the world.
The plan suggests that our diplomats need to strengthen the economic diplomacy capacity in their work so that they can play a strategic role in Africa, and in addition to this we should seek to position ourselves as a strategic player between Africa and Asia, using our position in Brics. It further suggests that our diplomats should work closely with other sectors in our society to achieve this goal.
Our diplomats should be leading South African businesses into other African countries so that South African companies can capitalise on the growth spurt that is happening in Africa, creating wealth both at home and abroad. The plan suggests that diplomats may strike foreign co-operation deals, but it is the private companies that actually trade across borders. That's the one point.
The second one is whether we can make the assumption that regional growth will benefit the South African economy. It is well documented that growth in trade between countries dramatically increases prosperity, there being a very strong correlation between expanding trade and decreasing poverty. The answer to the question then is, yes. Regional growth will benefit South Africa, and therefore we need to see our neighbours as allies in our growth ambitions, and not as competitors.
What then do we need to do to speed up regional integration initiatives to stimulate growth in the economy and to the countries across our borders, and between us and our neighbours? The plan suggests a move from regionalisation to regionalism, which, it says -
... involves conscious political planning and possibly the creation of formal institutions.
It recommends that, where the institutions already exist, these should be urgently reviewed to align with our national priorities, but in such a way that the neighbours benefit as well. Such institutions of course would include the Southern African Customs Union, Sacu, and the Southern African Development Community, SADC, amongst others.
The Tripartite Free-Trade Area between the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, Comesa, the East African Community, EAC and SADC, which has been much discussed in this House, is in fact a practical and achievable integration tool, and has the potential to significantly increase South Africa's trade and investments. However, there will be sacrifices to be made in this initiative and in others, and these have to be weighed up against the long-term benefits for us and our neighbours.
The third point which is aligned to that is, what do we need to do to facilitate integration and make interregional trade easier?
We have also talked extensively in this House about our domestic and cross- border infrastructure build programme. By this we mean transportation infrastructure, information and communications technology connectivity, water and electricity provision and so forth. What will make trade easier is improvement in all these areas, but, as the plan describes:
A good road cannot facilitate trade if there are disruptions at border posts and in customs procedures. These need to be made more efficient and all the blockages need to be opened up. Warehousing and logistics facilities need to be available and functioning efficiently, customs procedures need to be efficient and government regulations need to be standardised.
I think that in this area international best practise examples are very useful to strengthen our cross-border trade. Other regions and countries have made some useful advances in this area, greatly reducing backlogs and providing easier border-control measures and systems for trade between countries and within and between regions. Again, as the plan suggests:
Such practical transnational co-operation has become a defining feature of globalisation.
The fourth point is the lack of co-ordinated action which will hamper the fulfilment of domestic priorities through our international engagements.
Government departments must work in a far more co-ordinated way to achieve the objectives of our plan for 2030. For all the plans to materialise, co- ordination at all levels of society will have to be streamlined. Policy and action plan alignment is vital, and so is our ability to draw on all of the available skills and resources in our society.
We have a huge amount of intellectual capital in this country, both in strategic knowledge such as mining technology and others, as well as in research and academic institutions. These must be harnessed and co- ordinated to produce a collective South African effort.
In conclusion, the NDP recommends that a high-level and high-impact task team is established to investigate our foreign relations, and develop definitive studies on our national interests, South Africa in the context of African geopolitics, and South Africa's role in the world.
As Parliament, we need to be working with the government to engage with this plan as a matter of urgency. I express this as urgent, because as we plan, discuss and reflect, other countries are steaming ahead. If we are going to get it right, we need to mobilise all our skills and resources, acknowledge how important our continent is to our prosperity and co- ordinate our plans and actions more effectively. Our future depends on this. One of the mantras - and there are many - in the NDP is as follows:
We say to one another: I cannot be without you, without you this South African community is an incomplete community, without one single person, without one single group, without the region or the continent, we are not the best that we can be.
If we are to secure our place as a significant and prosperous country in a significant and prosperous region, this will then become our work. Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chair and hon members, there is a direct link between South Africa's international relations policy and its trade policy. In simple terms, South Africa trades with countries with whom it enjoys diplomatic relations. Since 1994, this country has been rapidly integrated into the global economy as part of a worldwide process of trade liberalisation and economic integration, otherwise commonly known as globalisation. It is common knowledge that under former President Mandela, South Africa's foreign policy was based on respect for human rights, meaning that South Africa expected its diplomatic partners to have as much respect for human rights as South Africa itself.
Under former President Thabo Mbeki, South Africa played a much broader international role, perhaps to the detriment of the national and regional agenda. President Zuma's government has promoted the so-called African Agenda. The emphasis here is that Africans should try to find African solutions to African problems. However, there have been many criticisms of South Africa's international relations policy on many fronts for various reasons.
Greg Mills, the head of Brenthurst Foundation based in Johannesburg, has characterised South Africa's foreign policy as "... a bit of this and a bit of that." In The Economist magazine of 12 March 2012, it says that South Africa's foreign policy or international relations policy is "... all over the place." Former ambassador Thomas Wheeler called South Africa's foreign policy as "not making sense at all". He adds that: "There is no substance and no coherence."
In the Sunday Times newspaper of this last Sunday, South Africa's former ambassador to Argentina and former leader of the DA, Tony Leon, says that South Africa's foreign policy moved away from Mandela's vision of respect for human rights in our dealings with other countries. He says:
Here, we certainly chose to be highly sensitive and often deeply inconsistent; often moving all over the map as we favoured solidarity over principle; and often struggle sentiment over ruthless pursuit of our national interest.
Chairperson, one can ask: What is the role of South Africa in its quest to develop strong economic and diplomatic ties in Africa? Perhaps former President Thabo Mbeki put it more aptly when he said:
There are expectations from Africa that South Africa should make a significant contribution towards peace and development on the continent. South Africa's problems cannot be worse than those experienced by other African countries. Despite our limitations and problems, it is our objective to make a significant contribution to ensuring peace, democracy, respect for human rights and sustained development. These principles are fundamental to our foreign policy.
On regional integration, Mbeki said:
The Southern African region expects a positive contribution from South Africa in terms of their own development. They expect that we interact with them as partner and ally, not as a regional superpower so that what we achieve in terms of political, security and economic relations is balanced and is of mutual benefit.
Chairperson, what then constitutes South Africa's national interest? According to Stephen Krasner, national interest is defined as: The preferences of nations' leaders, or put differently, the goals that are sought by the state.
He adds that such preferences or set of objectives must be related to general societal goals, persist over time and have a consistent ranking of importance in order to justify the use of the term "national interest".
The DBSA has said that South Africa's national interest should include the country's mission and vision that are derived from all sectors of society, regarding what and how best its vital interest can be served. Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, once said:
... our involvement in world affairs has been premised on the view that the strength of this nation depends on the strength of the entire continent.
Finally, Chair, the concept of national interest should be a sustained one. It should take into account the following: foreign policy; economic diplomacy; public interest; and national security. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Speaker, since 1994, South Africa has gradually emerged as a key player in Africa and the international community broadly. South Africa became the champion in African politics; development; peace and security; human rights; democratic and good governance; and a developmental role involving the private sector. These were South Africa's national interests and we, in Cope, believe that they remain the same even now.
The world had expected South Africa to fulfil what may have been seen as an inevitable leadership role in Africa. However, South Africa failed in this expectation. Firstly, because sectors involved in the country's relations with Africa do not form a monolithic block. These are government, business and civil society.
The business community's activities on the continent is characterised by allegations of behemoth - rabid self-interest, profits, etc - pursued at the cost of mutual benefits and good neighbourliness. This conduct gives South Africa a bad image.
Positioning South Africa on the continent, tension exists for South Africa and government in whether to play a role of partnership, alliance builder or to assume a hegemonic role with regard to relations with countries on the continent. Being a hegemon is a difficult role for South Africa to play and will remain so for a along time to come. The hegemon has to be able, for example, to use its domestic market to stabilise the larger continental economy and be able to resist domestic pressures. Given South Africa's domestic needs and demands that flow from the apartheid legacy, it is indeed impossible for South Africa to be a hegemon within the continent of Africa.
In its national interest, South Africa pursued certain strategies. The preferred strategy pursued by the two former Presidents, President Mandela and President Mbeki, was the partnership and alliance formation with key African states: Nigeria, Mozambique, Algeria, Tanzania, Ghana, etc. The key goal of South Africa and its strategic partners was promotion of an African Agenda in pursuit of development on the basis of this progressive agenda.
A key tactic was to play the progressive role of norms builder and promoter of principles through initiatives such as the African Union, AU, the New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, and the African Peer Review Mechanism, APRM. We also promoted norms like civil society participation; the independence of the judiciary; combating corruption; term of office for public office holders; and gender empowerment.
The image of South Africa on the continent is being judged by the world, particularly investors, on the basis of such core values. Currently, the consistency or not of South Africa's international relations policy with regard to the above norms is continuously under scrutiny so as to give comfort to those interested in building relations with South Africa at economic and political level.
On combating corruption currently, with the huge amounts of money that are being siphoned out of the system in government and the private sector, South Africa is presented with a yellow card by the continent and the world.
On the independence of the judiciary, the former Chief Justice, Mr Arthur Chaskalson, is giving us a yellow card judging by his recent article in one of the newspapers with regard to the introduction of the new Legal Practice Bill.
On the term of office for public office holders, with the unconstitutional removal of former President Mbeki before the end of his term in office, the world and the continent are presenting us with a yellow card, if not a red card.
These are the serious challenges that need to be addressed if we want to be recognised as a reliable partner on the continent, one with consistent international relations policies, otherwise we will continue to carry the stigma of an unreliable and untrustworthy partner in world politics.
As a member of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics, South Africa has to develop a more comprehensive political and economic strategy to maximise benefits for our participation. With the growing economy of Africa, we have to produce a more simplified strategy for us to benefit maximally from this growth. With the growing migration of the people of the continent to our cities within South Africa, and the tragedy of Marikana which has impacted negatively on Lesotho, Swaziland and other countries, this calls for an urgent political and economic regional integration strategy. We must have clarity and principled positions on all international activities. Our position should never be fuzzy, as it was in the recent intervention in Libya by the UN Security Council. Therefore, we should continue our diplomatic positions and ensure they correlate with our national interests. Long live the progressive agenda for Africa, long live! [Applause.]
House Chair and hon members, South Africa's foreign policy on the African Agenda is about to experience formidable challenges in the unstoppable convergence on the African continent of international trade regimes that are fuelled primarily by great power, ambition, competition, domination and nationalism.
The Euro-Atlantic sphere that is dominated and led by the United States will become more aggressive in pursuing the Trans-Atlantic economic hegemony to secure the national collective interest. So will the Asian sphere that is dominated and led by China, as it breaks the traditional mould of its foreign policy, as it was once commanded by its national leader, Deng Xiaoping in 1980, when he said, and I quote:
China should disguise its ambition and hide its claws.
... or the mild version of this, "keep a cool head and maintain a low profile".
On the other hand, Russia moves in rejection of the Cold War settlement as a ploy by the United States and Europe, causing it to surrender at the time when it was at its weakest. It is a historic fact that the post-war nuclear arms race weakened the Soviet economy and reduced it to a mere national power. By so doing, it now set its geopolitical ambitions at being a regional and an international power once more.
Against this canvas, South Africa and the rest of the African continent will need perceptive leaders, and good domestic and foreign policies in order to survive the negative effects of the coming great power, ambition and ruthless economic competition. Africa needs a leadership that will be vigilant against the possible erosion of a political and economic sovereignty of the African states.
It is an empirical fact that in most instances the one who is economically strong authors the terms and rules of trade, and too often in their favour. For this reason, we must commend and encourage the approach adopted by the Ministry and the Department of Trade and Industry in prioritising and strengthening the growth of local manufacturing and production to underpin true economic sovereignty and the promotion of fair and reciprocal trade relations.
It is important for Africa's honour and survival that the socialist and capitalist economic systems are given the African character to flourish on the African soil. However, the slow pace in regional economic integration and development on the part of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, and the serious neglect of inter-African trade are leaving the African continent with weak leverage for economic bargaining for its own markets. Such developments may lead to what Robert Kagan has predicted for the fate of the world's poor nations in his book The Return of History and The End of Dreams.
The incongruence that currently exists in the domestic and foreign policy of South Africa makes the identification and consolidation of the country's national interest elusive. The debate to determine precisely what the national interests of South Africa are continues.
In the domestic sphere, education, health, economic development, the fight against crime, etc, seem to be the preferred pointers, whereas the country's economic wellbeing, human rights, international peace and co- operation, the rule of law, and international morality are amongst some of the preferred determinants of the country's foreign policy. Therefore, the IFP proposes a national forum to determine, prioritise and consolidate the country's realistic national interest. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson and hon members, in a world that is stitched together by commerce and globalisation, clear policies that guide a nation's interactions and relationships with the rest of the world are of critical importance. Foreign policy and its objectives to govern relations with the international community cannot be overemphasised.
Since the advent of our democracy in 1994, South Africa's foreign policy has been built on the tenets of Pan-Africanism and African nationalism. This can be seen in the amount of time and resources that we are utilising to export principles of good governance and democracy to the continent.
South Africa has been at the forefront of conflict resolutions and peacekeeping missions in Africa. Now, the investments made on peace and security on the continent have, quite correctly, been informed by the realisation that South Africa is an integral part of the African continent, and that our success is linked to that of the African continent. Although we have played an important role in this regard, we have not always taken advantage of the economic opportunities that our efforts have created.
For many years, the government has appeared content with fighting fires on the continent, but until recently, when the Eurozone crisis cropped up, it failed to take into account our country's economic interest.
We have been creating peace and stability on the continent for other emerging countries such as China to take advantage of. Although there are clear signs that the South African government is waking up to the need to increase trade within Africa, as indicated in the 2012 Medium-Term Budget Policy Statement, regrettably, this occurs at a time when we are rapidly losing our role as the gateway to African markets for foreign and direct investments. Investors are now bypassing South Africa and investing directly in the African countries.
In addition, different countries and regions in Africa continue to improve their individual competitiveness, and this diminishes our role as a gateway. We need to improve our competitiveness if we are to regain the lost ground. Improvements on our competitiveness have to be done in a way that conducts foreign policy in a manner that would take our economic interest into account. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon members, South Africa stands out as a peace-seeking and peace-loving country that seeks to follow the principle of live and let live. While South Africa shot out, like an adolescent who shot out of his clothes in comparison to her neighbours on the continent, our country is striving not to play big brother.
There are a number of memoranda of understanding that have been signed with the Republic of Congo to change Africa's energy sector and the provision of electricity utility. The Mountain Kingdom has entered into an agreement with South Africa to cater for digital migration, cyber security, home and away roaming, postal services and broadband.
It is worth noting that South Africa and Namibia are great economic partners with Namibia, two-thirds of their foreign trade being of South African origin. While there are partners and friends of good will, the same cannot be said for Swaziland, which has turned out to be too parasitic on the Republic. But if they are not propped up, the fear is that they will invade our country.
It has to be borne in mind that South Africa plans to create the South African Development Agency, which will drive development partnerships to build innovative, proactive and sustainable partnerships to advance African development. One would realise that we are trying to confine ourselves strictly to Africa.
The Republic is turning into the catalyst driving the economy on the continent. This is attested to by holding the Common Market for Eastern and Southern African Tripartite heads of state, which resolved to address the challenges associated with facilitating the movement of businesspeople across regional economic communities, together with infrastructure development.
It is trite to ascribe the resurrection of the Burundian economy to South Africa. Except for the defence co-operation that is in place, South Africa has economic co-operation and a bilateral co-operation in the fields of sports and recreation with that country.
The memoranda of understanding on ICT, economic and technical co-operation, tourism, co-operation in the fields of oil and gas, the waiver of visa requirements to holders of diplomatic and official passports are in place between South Africa and Ghana, which also ensure that the economic situation is improving. All these measures have been put in place to enable economic activity between our countries and all these other countries.
Finally, South Africa is the pivot around which the economy of the African continent will revolve for some time to come. I thank you.
Chairperson, hon members, today I am bringing good news. So, listen. One of the cornerstones of South Africa's international relations policy is regional and continental integration to bring about socioeconomic development. The key vehicles for this policy to be implemented are both the South African Development Community, SADC, and the African Union, AU. By being members of these institutions, we can push our African Agenda of political, economic and social development throughout the continent.
There are three important aspects of this agenda that I wish to highlight today. South Africa needs the following, namely, to promote Africa's economic growth and development; to foster economic integration at regional and sub-regional levels; and to facilitate greater levels of intra-African trade and to increase levels of intra-African investments.
Now, this is where the clich comes in: Africa is currently going through an economic boom, we cannot be left behind. Africa's combined GDP has tripled over the past 10 years. Africa is the second-fastest growing region in the world, after East Asia. Africa has reserves of raw materials that the rest of the world needs. Africa has 60% of unused agricultural land of the world. It also has a growing middle class with enormous buying power.
By 2015, Africa's trade is expected to grow from US$654 billion to US$1,6 trillion. So, it is going to triple its growth rate. In order to take advantage and be a part of this boom, we need to use our foreign policy to develop stronger economic integration and co-operation. At present, South Africa has a positive trade deficit with the rest of the continent, largely thanks to our membership of the SADC countries.
Our biggest export partners are Namibia and Botswana, although only 14% of our total exports go to Africa. However, SADC countries account for 87% of our African exports, therefore, the rest of our trade in Africa is almost nonexistent. We need to start increasing this rapidly and not allow our Brics partners to take advantage of a market which is right on our doorstep.
Our trade with Europe has also decreased, with a drop of 10,1% in exports. That is why we have a negative trade deficit. This means that we need to start looking closer to home. We cannot ignore the importance of our membership of other international institutions, which can play a large role in advancing our national interests.
South Africa is a member of major economic groups, such as Brics and the G20, which puts us on a good economic footing internationally. Although we are a minor player in Brics, Brics is fast becoming a major player on the international stage, and it is time for South Africa to start playing a bigger role.
The key to doing this is harnessing the economic opportunities which are just to the North of us. An important event for South Africa occurred just last week, when we were elected by the members of the UN General Assembly to join the 47 members of the United Nations Economic and Social Council. This was very important for South Africa as it means that our time as a major UN player does not end with the end of our term of office in the UN Security Council. This will be yet another opportunity for South Africa's voice to be heard on the international stage, and for us to further the interests of developing countries, particularly in Africa.
In our diplomatic relations, we have, however, for too long traded on our miracle transition and the esteem in which we have been held by the rest of the world as a result. We have focused our international relations mainly on peacekeeping and political diplomacy.
To truly leverage our position in the significant trade and development groupings, where we are represented, we must ensure that our diplomats and officials in the Department of International Relations and Co-operation are trained in economic diplomacy and the intricacies of international trade treaties. If we fail to do so, we will be marginalised in the very groupings that we hope would empower us. Our future and the future of our children depend on us. Thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, as the ANC, we believe that the international relations and co-operations policy belongs to South Africans. It belongs to South Africans because it mirrors their long relationship with the international community. It reflects the rich tapestry of their international heritage. It demonstrates their desire to live in harmony with their neighbours. It signals their intent to contribute creatively to Africa's future. It beckons them to international service, so that the country may fulfil its calling as a responsible global player and it summons all South Africans to think beyond the immediate, to reach towards the challenges of the century.
These ideals echo the words of the Freedom Charter, which proclaims that: "There shall be peace and friendship".
Therefore, Parliament has an obligation to ensure that it belongs to the people of South Africa, by ensuring that it continues its distinct constitutional duty in the process of government, and that it is the pre- eminent institution through which the public expresses its views concerning international and co-operative policies.
With the rise of a nonracial and nonsexist democratic South Africa from the ashes of apartheid, the ANC vowed that we will not terminate our quest for human rights. Those that have said so today are not speaking the truth. Therefore, South Africa has become a fully-fledged and vital member of the family of nations who hold human rights issues central to international relations and co-operations policy.
They have demonstrated that by becoming a party of conventions, produced by the international labour organisations, for example, protecting workers, indigenous people and children. We also shape our bilateral relations influenced by our quest for human rights. We have done so in the European Union agreements, when we had agreements with the Lesotho Highlands as far as water is concerned.
As Parliament, we must ensure that South Africa is not selective nor afraid to raise human rights violations with countries where our own and other interests might be negatively affected. We believe that South Africa's experience shows how damaging policy can be when issues of principle are sacrificed for economic and political expediency.
Our emergence as a democratic country in the decade of the century has thrust us into a fundamentally transformed world, and the Cold War has ended. Our new era has dawned, whose main content is, inter alia, the ever- growing conflict between a highly industrialised and affluent North and impoverished underdeveloped, highly populated South. More and more issues such as development, human rights, the environment, South-South co- operation, North-South relations, multilateralism, peace, security and disarmament are dominating the international agenda.
Obviously, our response to these basic issues would be informed by the necessity to advance our common national interests in the first place and, secondly, to ensure that Africa develops in conditions of peace, security and stability. We recognise the time that necessitates redesigning of international organisations, thus the call made by President Zuma at the United Nations in September this year, when he said that the United Nations must be supported by this Parliament.
We believe that the United Nations must ensure that equality of sovereignty is the only determinant of power in its deliberating bodies. Therefore, there can be no inequities generated by centres of privilege underpinned by special powers.
On the issue raised by the hon Dudley earlier on the resolution of South Africa's position at the UN with regard to rape, it must be placed in its proper context. We have not disagreed, but said that it did not go very far. She has also said that. We wanted a resolution that is non- politicised, but one that looks at it holistically. This resolution must include rape by soldiers, those in detention and in a situation of foreign occupation. Our view is a holistic one that we have argued for.
In charting this future, we will strive to contribute towards improving the basic human conditions of all Africa's people. Global change has brought economics and development to the centre of international relations. South Africa's security, the well-being of our people and international peace are all linked to economic growth. Growth without development and redistribution will both deny freedom and hamper democracy.
A country's national interest is the collective - and indeed an aggregation of all other interests in all political, economic and social interests. Our Constitution speaks about it very clearly. Therefore, there can't be any argument that we are confused about what our national interest is. I don't think that our Constitution was amended in that regard. I do think that we must read the Constitution again.
South Africa's national interest is best conceptualised and derived from how its identities are being produced in interaction with its own society and the main identities that constitute the societal and social dimensions of state activity. National interests cannot be the purview of the state alone, but can encourage an enabling environment of dialogue and discourse among all stakeholders to interrogate policies in the best interests of the people. Parliament can ensure that the Portfolio Committee on International Relations and Co-operations is given sufficient capacity to enable it to do oversight responsibly, especially outside of the borders of South Africa.
In doing so, it will be enhancing its own public diplomacy programmes with South African people to ensure that there is peace and friendship. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, it may be helpful to recognise that our economy cannot grow to where it needs to be with 52 million people. But with more than 800 million people on the continent of Africa, there is enormous potential to expand. As someone put it, South African land is being used up. We need to expand into other areas of Africa. We are also no longer a country producing low-cost goods, and must, of necessity, integrate into markets in Africa.
As hon Van der Merwe has mentioned, "as we plan and discuss, other countries are steaming ahead." This was a good point and a point taken. He also mentioned Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, Brics, since South Africa will be hosting its fifth summit in March next year. Noticeably, Brics countries have divergent economic and political interests, especially regarding the relationship of each state with its citizens.
It seems as if South Africa is able to separate democracy and economics when it suits us. Hon Mubu quoted Tony Leon saying, "South African policy has moved away from the policy of Mandela's day". He also mentioned the inconsistencies regarding human rights issues in other countries.
An observation I found interesting, which was made by Brics partners recently, is that South Africa is perceived as ungovernable. The point being that to belong to Brics, you must be able to govern. The e-toll catastrophe and wild-cat strikes have created the impression that South Africa's commitment to liberalism prevents us from governing while billions of rands are being lost.
I will close by summarising words by the hon Van der Merwe in my own way: "To be the best that we can be, every one of us is important." I am leaving a question out there because the importance of this debate today is that the public picks up on it and actually makes it their own. Does South Africa have a national interest common to us in all our diversity? Is this national interest served by our international relations policies and priorities? I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.