Hon Chairperson of the Council, Deputy Chair, hon members and comrades, it is a privilege for me to open this very important debate that is dedicated to paying tribute to the voices of young people who refused to be silenced at the height and intensity of repressive suffering that characterised all streets and corners of this country from 16 June up to when we attained our freedom.
We celebrate this day to honour the words and deeds of the young people of South Africa who faced the armed forces of the apartheid regime and protested against the brutality and dehumanising nature of the apartheid system. We celebrate this day to say to the people of South Africa, let us not forget the voices of the young soldiers who stamped their collective feet and faced the ruthless aggression of the apartheid state in defence of our collective freedom. Here I want to include those young white men who, difficult as it was, defied their parents and the state, and joined uMkhonto weSizwe. We celebrate this day to pay tribute and homage to the young people who risked everything in their lives in pursuit of the liberation of the oppressed masses of our people.
Indeed, some of these young people lost their lives and some went to foreign lands. We always sing ...
... Mhlalingaphambili, ukuba abantu baye apho kungazi ma nobaba wakhe khona, kodwa baya. [... Chairperson, that people went to places where their parents had never been before.]
Others ended up languishing in prisons such as Robben Island, John Vorster Square, Drakenstein prison - which was called Victor Verster then - and many other prisons.
Those who remained behind continued to endure the brutality of the apartheid regime and its policies. They were faced with no prospects of a better life and had no opportunities. They lived in communities that were ravaged by poverty, underdevelopment, unemployment and diseases.
There is no doubt that 16 June added a new impetus to youth activism and the struggle for liberation in this country. It is the day that characterises the true embodiment of the tireless dedication and affirmation that drove South Africa's youth to rise up against apartheid and its brutal forces. It is the day when the young people of this country made unimaginable sacrifices so that we could be free today. In so doing, they freed the oppressors as well.
In celebrating 16 June, we acknowledge with great pride that young people played an instrumental role in dismantling the foundation of the apartheid state. We acknowledge that young people defied the apartheid regime's quest to maintain the school as a politically protected space that was relatively shielded from the repressive conditions that were faced by its community.
As we continue our quest to dismantle the legacy of apartheid settlement, apartheid education, its economy, fragmented health systems and orchestrated poverty, we acknowledge that young people in our country are still facing many challenges. With some 39% of society aged between 14 and 35 years, young people in South Africa comprise a substantial part of the South African society.
However, due to the systematically orchestrated apartheid system, many young people are still held captive in the intricate webs of poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, lack of opportunities and poor health. This is largely so because, for decades, young people in South Africa were disoriented and deprived of opportunities for growth by a string of racially orchestrated policies and legislation.
Despite these challenges, the government - and, of course, let me say, when I speak of the government, I speak of the ANC government, so that I qualify it correctly - has moved decisively in creating expanded opportunities for the youth in our country. For the first time in the history of our country, the aspirations, needs and conditions of everyone are recognised and articulated through various policies, pieces of legislation, programmes, structures and institutions.
The establishment of a national youth policy in 1996 provided a comprehensive framework for youth development in a postapartheid society. We ensured that the youth were given meaningful opportunities to reach their full potential for growth and development.
After several years of engagement with the youth, the government acknowledged the lack of uniform implementation of policies to advance the needs and aspirations of the youth. We also noted that, despite several institutions and programmes to expand economic opportunities for the youth, only a few young people were benefiting compared to the millions that needed those opportunities. Last year, through the establishment of the National Youth Development Agency, or NYDA, we made a conscious decision to address all structural shortcomings and resource deficiencies facing young people in South Africa.
The NYDA is charged with the implementation of the National Youth Policy 2009-2014, which was adopted earlier this year. It will focus on intensifying implementation of youth development interventions through broadening access. It will also strengthen the implementation capacity of the youth development machinery in South Africa, especially at provincial and local levels.
I therefore appeal to the youth of South Africa to rise up and ensure that they seize the opportunities that are before them. Whereas the youth of 1976 used their energies to mobilise and campaign against apartheid, the youth of today should use their energies to mobilise and campaign against crime and drugs in their communities. Whereas the youth of 1976 went into exile to train as soldiers of liberation, the youth of today should go to school, colleges and universities to acquire skills for their advancement and the development of our country.
The young people of today must join together to say that as young people they must not do crime. They must refuse to join criminal gangs and be at the forefront of the struggle to defeat violence against women and the rape of children as well. The young people of today must join together to say that as young people they will not do drugs and abuse alcohol. The young people of today must join together to say that as young people they will not succumb to unnecessary actions.
Finally, we would like to take this opportunity to thank the youth of this country for turning out in their masses on 22 April 2009 to cast their votes. They made sure that, forever - and I say forever - the ANC rules our country.
The ANC's overwhelming victory at the ballot box is clear proof that the youth of South Africa is convinced that the ANC is the only organisation that takes them seriously enough to place them high on the agenda for broader nation-building and transformation, and to assist them to participate in shaping their lives and their future.
Our hon President, Jacob Zuma, responded in his state of the nation address when he said that:
For as long as there are children who do not have the means nor the opportunity to receive a decent education ... we shall not rest, and we dare not falter.
I want to say, Chairperson, in the last few seconds I have, that it is on days like today that we salute Comrade Dan Montsitsi, who was one of the first to get out of the classroom on that day in 1976. Thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Chairperson, hon members of the National Council of Provinces, the Chief Whip, comrades and friends, we celebrate the democracy which, together with our mothers and fathers, we have all fought so hard to build since its attainment 15 years ago, and the democratic institutions which we continue to strengthen as we mark every progressive year of the National Youth Development Agency on the South African calendar.
We need a focused youth that can be trusted with the future of this important national cornerstone that defines a certain sector of our people. That South Africa's future depends on a responsible youth cannot be contested. We need a youth that is ready to face the challenges without ever turning or retreating, a youth able to take action in defence of its people's freedom, and a youth able to account for such actions. Indeed, we need a responsible youth that will, in its actions, find the road towards its own empowerment.
We need to know what constitutes a responsible youth. How do we define and judge this responsibility? Is this responsibility relative or is it a solid phenomenon?
History has more often than not proven that the degree of responsibility that is needed to take forward the revolution can be found in the youth. One can see this in the success of the October Revolution, the 26th of July Movement, the 16 June uprisings and many other historical actions that have distinguished young people as progressive revolutionaries. Among these are the youth of the 1940s, the Mandelas, the Anton Lembedes and the Oliver Tambos of this world, who ignited the flame of revolutionary discourse among South Africa's young intellectuals.
The advent of 16 June 1976 saw a disciplined youth force emerge to meticulously plan for what would be one of the most important revolutionary events in the history of our country. In the entire planning prior to, during and after the June 16 uprisings, one senses a deep-rooted discipline in young people ready to take responsibility for a situation in which they are placed as active participants, defining themselves as actors and not as spectators.
What lessons do we draw from these historical experiences as we begin to define the new role which we should play as the youth of today in safeguarding and strengthening our democracy? The answer lies in taking responsibility.
Responsibility can be clearly defined by the relative position which the subject assumes towards the object, impacted upon by the degree of ownership which the subject accepts over any action undertaken in the process. Critical in the above statement is defining the relative position which one holds, thus one's identity and ownership of the action undertaken, conscious of the impact thereof on both the subject and the object. The subject and object of our economic plan and economic participation shall not take their cue from the short-sightedness of the planners of the economy from which Helen Zille and her predecessors benefited. The lie that they spread in making African leaders believe that a market economy was the only rational economic system ever devised by man is sickening. In fact, they have led us to one hopeless economic mess after another, up to the current economic meltdown, and they are unable to do anything more than to recommend simple palliatives without regard to future generations.
We are saying as the youth of South Africa, while acknowledging that there are no simple solutions, we are going to get together to exchange experiences, and summarise and synthesise the wealth of new knowledge at our disposal. In order to shake stagnation in the economic development of young people in South Africa, we shall take the responsibility of ensuring that concrete and progressive measures are put in place through the National Youth Development Agency. For this reason we shall be mindful of not sliding into total economic and political opportunism.
Zille, the youth is saying to you: "Pasop - beware". Stop attacking our President as he puts in place progressive proposals that seek to propel us forward in youth development. These are the defining features of responsible leadership.
Chairperson, on a point of order: The hon member is making his maiden speech, where he should be protected, and then he gets aggressive and refers to the premier of this province as "Zille". He has no right to call a premier "Zille"; if he wants to refer to our premier, she is "the hon Premier of the Western Cape".
Hon member, can you allow us to proceed, please.
Chairperson, these are the defining features of responsible leadership, the sterner stuff that the youth should be made of, the spears needed in defence of our democracy and economic participation by the youth.
Ownership of action and the precise definition of the position which one holds in relation to the recipient of action are not inborn qualities that can just emerge. Building blocks are thus needed to arrive at this degree of maturity in human growth. Education, moral standards and identity or cultural consciousness are the precise building blocks needed in this regard.
Education plays an important role in equipping our youth with the necessary tools to define the position they hold when engaging with broader society and the ability to take ownership of the actions undertaken in that process. However, this is only the crux of the matter. The manner in which the youth defines its relative position in society and its identity, also cultural identity, informs the actual outputs of the education our youth would have received.
There is a clear relationship between education, opportunity and consciousness about one's identity, which forms the necessary condition for one to be able to define one's position in any action. I am not a philosopher; I am just a young person who sees it necessary to relate experience on matters of responsible leadership and responsible lifestyle among our young people.
Do we have young people who know where they stand culturally, young people who are not drunk with an identity crisis or caught up in the business of cultural dislocation? The latter are better raised within the context of moral standards, the kind that is necessary when we begin to look at the degree of responsibility that exists or that is desired in our young people. This includes economic and development issues, simplified in a language that the sector understands.
It is the question of education, economic consciousness, morality and identity that will determine the success of the agenda set by the youth, or the outcomes of our engagement on matters of national importance, be it policy-making, engagement and participation in the economy, driving the political hot seats or many other matters with which we are familiar, either at local or national level, in our homes, in the communities in which we live, or in any other social platform. The success of our engagement should be defined by the responsibility with which we act. This should include advocacy programmes for youth employment, in-job training, internships, etc.
Making sense of the National Youth Development Agency, as our President, President Jacob Zuma, outlined during its launch, will usher in a new era for youth development. The youth of South Africa should act now for their own development, lest history judges us.
Just as an addition to the theme of "Celebrating a Vibrant Youth Voice", I want to issue a stern warning that actions speak louder than words. Again, lest history judges us, despite a supportive President, nation, education system and progressive movement, we say: My ANC, my vision, my future! I believe that this statement sums up all of the issues I have raised regarding a responsible young generation.
Those who might now be spurred on by the fear or grief of losing their fathers, should know that, in time, they shall learn to die both for themselves and for the millions of our people, just as the class of 1976 did. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Chairperson, hon members, the recent elections showed that the youth of South Africa is dynamic, opinionated and energetic. The youth have claimed their space in our society, and in doing so have made a significant contribution to democracy in our country.
Hon Deputy Chairperson, the topic of this debate sounds very good on the ear, but can the youth celebrate a vibrant voice under such trying circumstances? The ID believes that we must use their inspiration, abilities and energy to help us build South Africa's tomorrow. However, for this to happen, government must do its part.
The ID welcomes the establishment of the National Youth Development Agency to tackle economic issues, the consolidation of the youth agenda under the Presidency, and the establishment of the Department of Women, Youth, Children and People with Disabilities.
We call on government to ensure that these initiatives do not end up being as dysfunctional as the National Youth Commission and to investigate incentives for businesses that employ the youth as first-time job seekers. These interventions will go a long way in equipping our youth with the necessary skills and experience which will make them more employable in the future.
The daily challenges facing our youth and the barriers in the way of their advancement must become a central focus of this government. The ID would like to see government focus not only on the economic challenges that affect the youth, but also on social issues, sports and recreation, as well as the human development challenges that hinder their progress.
The youth still has the highest infection rate of HIV and Aids, and many continue to be affected by deaths in the family and the resulting burden of heading households on their own. There continues to be a huge lack of sports and recreation facilities that results in idleness amongst our youth, which results in too many of them choosing a life of crime and drugs. We hope that the new government will focus on these challenges with the urgency and importance they deserve.
The ID applauds the fact that greater attention has been focused on admission into tertiary institutions in terms of transformation, but as long as so many black students are not completing their studies, transformation will never have the result we would like to see.
In conclusion, the ID would like the government to look into implementing more integration programmes to bridge the many divides that exist within our tertiary institutions. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Chairperson, hon members, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, comrades and compatriots, the ANC-led government was re-elected in 2004 on a mandate to build a people's contract to fight poverty and create work. This remains our mandate in 2009 and beyond, and the education sector has a critical role to play to ensure that our youth acquire the skills, the knowledge, the values and the attitudes needed to develop their own potential and assist in placing our country on a sustainable and shared growth path.
Quality education for every one of our learners will only be realised if government continues to direct resources, whether human, financial or physical, in a manner that creates genuine equity and redress. Our teachers, parents and learners should place teaching and learning at the centre of their lives; we cannot do without these pillars.
Working together within these pillars of education, including the school governing bodies and other stakeholders, will allow us to attain our vision which informs our education policies, based on the ANC's policy of people's education for people's power. This has been emphasised in the January 8 statement and also in the state of the nation address by the President, when he spoke about non-negotiables.
This says to us that we have to monitor the implementation of these policies. We are one, that is why the ANC has resolved that we should elevate education from being just a departmental issue to a societal issue. Hence: Working together we can do more.
The South African government has committed itself to ensuring the eradication of situations where learners have to study under a tree or in mud buildings, or under any dangerous conditions. Education is central to giving impetus to the forces of production and is essential for progress. It is not a cost, but an investment.
Today I wish to ask the permission of the youth league to wear the cap of the youth league and take me as a youth leaguer in good standing. I say this, coming from Mpumalanga. I wish to call for a speedy processing of the establishment of a university in Mpumalanga.
Kubanga amahloni ngempela lokhu phakathi kwazo zonke izifundazwe ukuthi iMpumalanga ayinayo inyuvesi. [It is really a shame that amongst all the provinces Mpumalanga does not have a university.]
Realising these goals will reduce the exodus of learners from our poor rural areas to the urban areas, costing our parents a lot of money. At the very least, all our schools must have access roads, sanitation facilities, clean drinking water and other important infrastructure. This must be done in conjunction with government's Expanded Public Works Programme. The Expanded Public Works Programme must prioritise the wiping out of infrastructure backlogs at our schools. Let us work together to ensure that this is monitored and implemented.
We should call for the co-operation of the Department of Health and other antipoverty measures that should be implemented at schools.
As a government we remain committed to assisting young people to acquire skills that are relevant to the needs of the economy. Thus we are saying that the burden of education costs must be removed from poor families. It has emerged from the Youth Parliament's report that there are problems with access to bursaries for tertiary education institutions, further education and training colleges and so forth. Therefore these services and the transformation of the National Student Financial Aid Scheme become important and relevant.
To increase graduate output in areas of skills shortages we need to increase measures to streamline sector education and training authorities and other institutions to address existing and forecasted skills shortages. We also need to revive the role of state-owned enterprises in skills development and training.
The President of the country, in his state of the nation address, stressed the need to intensify the work under Jipsa as a key skills demand.
Central to this, quality initiatives will have to be improved, such as access to early childhood development. The government aims to increase the number of five-year-olds, that is the Grade Rs, in publicly funded schools by increasing their number from 487 525 to 700 000, thereby benefiting more children, and to sustain early childhood education. The ANC-led government will also train tutors for those learners in early childhood centres.
Poverty eradication strategies are an essential component. To improve our schooling, an important initiative in this respect has been the introduction of the school nutrition programme, aiming to provide daily meals for six million learners in approximately 18 000 primary schools. The ANC-led government intends to make sure that this programme extends to deserving learners in high schools. [Interjections.]
I do not want to respond to that. We promise and we implement - that is why we are here.
The Polokwane conference decided that no-fee schooling should be expanded from 40% to 60% of students and that we should progressively introduce free education for the poor. This means that this year 60%, or most, of the schools in South Africa are no-fee schools. This is the initiative of the ANC-led government.
We have a clause in the Freedom Charter, which was crafted by the Congress of the People in 1955, which says that education shall be free, compulsory, and equal for all children, and we are going to make sure that that happens - 60% and improving.
While we acknowledge the rise in enrolment of learners in primary schools, we are also disturbed by the high drop-out rate of young learners.
Children with disabilities constitute a significant proportion of learners not in schools. Very few special schools provide for education beyond Grade 9. This says to us as the Fourth Parliament that we need to ascertain what progress has been made in inclusive education programmes, and intensify it. We have White Paper 6. Let us change it from being a White Paper. Education remains the most significant arena for youth development and emancipation. This calls for a review of the proposed model for mainstreaming disability issues within the core business of Parliament.
While we have an aggressive approach to educator training and the initiatives for a world-class education sector which produces skills to generate economic growth and create an economy for the 21st century, we should also promote the status of teachers, ensuring the employment of adequate numbers and improving their remuneration as an important part of our drive to ensure that quality teaching becomes the norm rather than the exception.
We need to improve performance in mathematics, science, technology and language development. We have to look at the programmes that will assist educators in terms of content to assist our young people. We need to emphasise the roles of departmental transformation units within our regions and provinces.
There is a subject called life orientation. This subject is not taken seriously. I call for the prioritisation of this subject, because it provides career guidance, leadership development and socioeconomic awareness programmes for young people. This subject is able to do that.
In conclusion, today's curriculum requires that parents should help learners at home. As a result, the issue of illiteracy among our adults becomes a problem. So, we need to make sure that the Kha Ri Gude programmes are taken forward, and illiteracy is eradicated by 2014. That is what we aimed at and that is what our manifesto promised.
As I conclude, I will quote the President, who said in his state of the nation address:
For as long as there are children who do not have the means nor the opportunity to receive a decent education ... we shall not rest, and we dare not falter, in our drive to eradicate poverty.
Thank you. [Applause.]
Madam Chair, I am sorry that I am only raising this now: We are giving the hon member the freedom of a maiden speech, but we ask that the time rules be adhered to. The speech exceeded the time limit. So we call upon you and the other officials to please stick to the time regulations. Thank you.
It is noted, hon member. The only thing is, she had already said "in conclusion".
Hon Deputy Chairperson, hon colleagues, today in this House we commemorate the sacrifices made 33 years ago by the youth of Soweto when they stood up against the disgraceful education policies of the apartheid state. One generation on, my generation is enjoying the freedoms earned by the class of '76 but it is still suffering disproportionately from unemployment and lack of opportunity.
The concern I would like to address today is that this government's ambitious new expenditure plans, announced in the face of lower tax revenues caused by the recession, will pass unreasonable economic costs on to future generations and today's youth.
President Zuma speaks of a desire to do more, and indeed this is a noble ambition, but we are in a deep recession and, given the constraints faced by National Treasury, we can do more only by spending more. The problem is, every day new indicators show the depth of the economic crisis we are in. In the first quarter, our economy shrunk by 6,4%, manufacturing and production has declined by 21,6% and exports have plunged by 55% in value terms.
The most urgent consequence of this decline is its effect on tax revenue. Sars has already fallen R10 billion short in the first two and half months of this financial year. More alarming, in a briefing to the finance committee on Tuesday, the Acting Commissioner of Sars announced that tax revenue is down 11,3%, year on year.
If tax collection continues at these lower rates - and there is reason to believe the rate might actually worsen, given the fact that corporate taxes have not been assessed yet - then the tax take for this financial year could fall short of estimates by anywhere from R40 billion to R100 billion.
Our economic managers have three options when tax revenues decline so dramatically. One, they could add new taxes to make up the lost revenue. Two, they could cut back on expenditure to help the budget balance. Or three, they could run a much bigger budget deficit.
The first option, introducing new taxes in the face of an economic crisis, would be ill-advised. Taxpayers are already suffering the effects of the recession, and as Martin Feldstein points out in The Wall Street Journal last month in relation to the Great Depression of the 1930s, "the tax increases passed during that decade derailed the recovery and slowed the decline in unemployment".
With regard to the second option, government has shown very little appetite to rein in spending. By my count, neither President Zuma nor any of his Ministers have so far announced any major cuts in expenditure. The problem is, unless spending is cut, then option three, bigger budget deficits, becomes the default position.
Based on the spending plans tabled in February, and considering the lower tax takes reported by Treasury, the budget deficit for this year could end up anywhere from 6% to 8% of GDP.
According to a recent study by the International Monetary Fund, this would take us from being one of the most fiscally disciplined countries in the G20 to one of the worst budget deficit offenders.
Now, countercyclical fiscal policy, which this government and the opposition both subscribe to, requires governments to run budget deficits in times of economic decline. But a deficit of this size would be unprecedented since the handover of power from the previous regime, when we were dangerously close to a debt trap. It would also cause a rise in long- term capital market interest rates due to larger public sector borrowing requirements. And crucially, it would drive the state's debt, and debt service costs, sky-high. Much of these costs would have to be paid by the youth of South Africa, who make up the next generation.
So you can see, hon Maine, far from being market fundamentalists, the DA seems to be the only party that identifies the fiscal risks facing the youth today.
The alarming thing is that the deficit figure I calculate is based on zero increases in expenditure, but each day new plans are announced by the Cabinet. In the President's state of the nation address, he called for more expanded Public Works opportunities, more rural development, more social grants and a national health insurance scheme. Other government leaders have announced state support for struggling industries and bailouts for parastatals. And then of course we have the cost of six extra Ministries and eight extra Deputy Ministries and their departments.
Now, many of these are admirable initiatives, although many are not. But even with extremely conservative costings, these plans would add at least R6 billion to government expenditure. Alarmingly, much of the expenditure is current rather than capital expenditure, meaning that future generations, the youth of today, would not benefit from additional productive capacity despite the debts they would inherit.
If this government is truly concerned about our youth, they would recognise the sacrifices required, and would keep countercyclical expenditure to levels that would not pass on a cost burden to future generations and the youth. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Deputy Chairperson, members of this House and guests, our youth want to be part of building solutions to the problems facing the country. In my own political party, Cope, they have branded this drive "Thuma Mina", which means "Send Me". The campaign aims to emphasise the role of every youth member to build and promote moral values.
We need a better way of celebrating Youth Day or Youth Month. This day can be used by the youth to make a difference to those less fortunate. The youth want to celebrate this month by being in mentorship programmes. The youth want to change the mindset of the growing generation towards public service. They are saying "Thuma mina ngikuyele".
Dit beteken, stuur my, sodat ek kan gaan. [That means send me, so that I may go.]
They want to be an active voice of the true democracy by starting programmes and youth forums, irrespective of their affiliations. They want to go out to schools, churches, chatrooms and political parties to spark debates about real issues facing them.
The youth also feel that agencies and commissions of our government are used to promote the ANC, thereby neglecting the majority of young people. For instance, the manner in which the government launched the National Youth Development Agency is unacceptable. It was launched in Katlehong, on Youth Day, 16 June, with other parties and formations invited as observers at this function.
Chairperson, we call on Parliament, as a matter of urgency, to consider reintroducing the Youth Parliament concept on a permanent basis. This must be coupled with localised and regionalised programmes in democracy education.
Parliament also needs to make sure that it puts in place monitoring mechanisms and performance indicators for the work of the new National Youth Development Agency. The same must apply to the work of constituency offices, which need to become key centres for the conveyance of the principles and processes of representative and participative government. Parliament must place special emphasis on reaching out to youth ... [Interjections.]
Chairperson, does the hon member know the difference between a constituency office and a parliamentary office, so that he does not confuse the two in the debate?
It is noted, thanks. Continue, hon member.
What really matters in this country is that we must build streets and wards, and change mind-sets, starting with ourselves. Young people have fresh minds - it is up to government to put in place inclusive forums to harness this fresh spirit. If it does not, the young will again organise what is needed for themselves, and this government will find itself on the wrong side of the popular voice.
Our youth are finally learning that there is nothing more gratifying than making a contribution to the enhancement of human capacity, especially with regard to those with fewer opportunities.
In conclusion, the Thuma Mina campaign and the Cope youth movement have put the ball in the leaders' court, to send them where it is necessary to make a difference. Our Constitution clearly stipulates these aspirations, which are also captured by the spirit of the Freedom Charter. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Madam Deputy Chairperson, hon members of this House, chief leaders and our officials, I want to start my speech by saying, in English, that I am from Africa, I was born in KwaZulu-Natal and I want to use my Queen KaMsweli's language.
Ngomhlaka 16 Juni ngo-1976, izinkulungwane zentsha yaseNingizimu Afrika, zamasha zasukuma phansi zimashela ukucindezelwa wuhulumeni wobandlululo waleso sikhathi, owayefuna ukubafunza ngenkani ulimi olwalungekho semthethweni olwalusetshenziswa yiqeqebana labantu abathile baseNingizimu Afrika. Babefuna ukuba balufunde ngenkani, bebafunza lona ngenkani elokishini lethu labantu abansundu elalakhiwe wubandlululo e-Soweto.
Ngaleso sikhathi lezi zinkulungwane zentsha yethu kwakungabantu abangangami kanjena ngoba kwakungabantu abazalwa ngo-1958 uma ngicabanga, okusho ukuthi ngaleso sikhathi babeyizingane ngesikhathi bemasha. Ngaleso sikhathi amaphoyisa aleli lizwe, okwakukhona nabafowethu kuwona lawa maphoyisa nodadewethu baphendula ngezibhamu babhekisa izinganono ezinganeni ezazingaphethe lutho ezandleni, babashaya bababhuqa kwaphetha ngokuthi kushone izingane zakithi.
Ngaleyo ndlela ngithi njengamanje kuhulumeni wabantu abansundu noma kuhulumeni wentando yeningi oqale ngo-1994, wakwenza kwaba semthethweni ukuthi izingane noma intsha yakuleli lizwe yenza umnikelo obonakalayo kuleli lizwe yingakho kukhona lokhu okuthiwa ngu-June 16. Phezu kwawo wonke amaqembu akhona ePhalamende ayecindezelwe nayengacindezelwe, akunakwe ukuthi namakhosi akuleli lizwe khona lapha eNtshonalanga Kapa naseMpumalanga Kapa, ebuncaneni bawo alwa aboshwa lapho amakhosi abaThembu amaningi aphuma ko-Eastern Cape aboshelwa laphaya ko-Robben Island.
Uma ubheka iminyaka yabo kwakuyiminyaka ewu-18 okusho ukuthi kwakungamabhungu ngempela babeqala ukungena ebunsizweni besanda kuthomba belwa belwela leli lizwe. Okusho ukuthi lezi zingane zango-1976 zazilwela leli lizwe ngendlela efanayo neyoyisemkhulu bazo ngendlela ezazenza ngayo.
Ngibuye ngingene kwizinselele.Izinselele ezikhona njengamanje noma umzabalazo osukhona njengamanje sekungumzabalazo wengculazi, leli gciwane lengculazi elibulala izingane zethu. Sekumele ukuthi nathi njengabazali, njengoba mina nje nginabafazi abathathu nezingane eziyi-7 ngisaqhubeka nokwenza ezinye. [Uhleko.] Ngisemkhankasweni wokubatshela abafana bami namantombazane ami ukuthi kufanele bakwazi ukuzivikela. Bangenzi izinto ezingasile nangendlela engekho emthethweni. Ngiyabonga. (Translation of isiZulu paragraphs follows.)
[On the 16th of June 1976, thousands of our South African youth rose and marched against the oppression of the apartheid government of that time, which wanted to forcefully impose upon them an unofficial language which was used by a few South African individuals. They wanted to forcefully impose it on our youth in the black township called Soweto, which was built by the apartheid government.
These thousands of our youth who were people of my age because they were born in 1958 - if my memory serves me well - marched when they were still very young. During that time, the police officers of this country, which included our own black brothers and sisters, responded with guns and shot at unarmed children; they went on a rampage and that resulted in the death of our children. In that way I now want to say that the black government, or rather the democratic government, which started in 1994, recognised the remarkable sacrifice our children or the youth of this country made for this country, by officially declaring June 16 Youth Day. All the parties at Parliament that were oppressed and those that were not, the chiefs of the Thembu people of the Western Cape and the Eastern Cape, fought and were arrested. Most of these Thembu chiefs from the Eastern Cape were arrested and sent to Robben Island.
Many of them were 18-year-olds which means that they were real lads in their late teens who were about to become young men, right after reaching puberty, and already fighting for this country. This means these children of 1976 fought for this country the same way their forefathers did.
I would like to touch on the challenges. The challenges that we experience right now, or rather the struggle that we have at the moment, is the fight against the virus that causes AIDS, which is killing our children. As parents we must be vigilant. I have three wives and 7 children and I am continuing to bear more. [Laughter.] I am on a mission to tell my boys and girls that they must be able to protect themselves, and that they should not engage in silly and unlawful activities. Thank you.]
Deputy Chairperson, hon members, I will forever be grateful for the opportunities that are presented to me by Parliament in order to be able to address the House and the nation on this particular subject, which is very close to my heart.
I am also very humbled by the current youth for continuously granting me permission to share in their platform. My generation was tasked with the responsibility to participate in the national democratic struggle, whose objective was to eradicate apartheid and all its vestiges.
All generations of youth have their challenges laid down for them. By way of illustration: In the 1940s you had the formation of the youth league, with its own programme, which was very dynamic. You had the leadership of the ANC Youth League, in the name of Comrades Kathrada, Mandela and Sisulu. All of them were activists as young people.
In the 1950s you had the Defiance Campaign. The young people of that time were tasked with the responsibility of defying all apartheid legislation. They were supposed to break the law by entering any public amenity that was white or designated as white. In the 1960s, you had the pass campaigns, Rivonia and the formation of uMkhonto weSizwe, MK.
What this means, in essence, is that all young people, of any epoch, have their challenges. Most fortunately, the South African youth never turned away from the challenges; they always came forward to be counted.
In 1970, again, they were charged with the responsibility to dismantle the pillars of apartheid. Bantu education, as we knew it, ceased to exist in the townships. Local government structures were also demolished. These are but some of the contributions which young people were able to make during that time.
We applaud the National Youth Development Agency. It has been launched as a development agency during the celebrations of June 16 this year, 2009. A consultative process of two years finally gave birth to this agency when the President of the Republic signed the National Youth Development Agency Act, Act 54, on 23 December 2008.
The main objectives of the National Youth Development Agency are: To ensure that the youth is able to access resources, in order to kickstart small enterprises; to create a space for job opportunities in the private and public sectors; and to open up internship programmes on a national scale.
Much as we welcome the establishment of the youth agency, we also want to say that it is critical for the structure to establish a small monitoring committee, which would be essential in order to keep track of the delivery process, as well as legitimate concerns which could be raised by the youth community. It cannot therefore be business as usual if there is a deluge of problems raised which are not attended to.
The President of the Republic, Comrade Zuma, says: "All hands on deck". This means, in essence, that positions in the National Youth Development Agency are not positions of entitlement; they are, therefore, positions which have been allocated to members of the youth agency in order to serve the youth of South Africa.
I just want to share a very short story with hon members. This was a long time ago. I was a youth but already grown up. In 1977, I had the honour of attending a sod-turning ceremony. It's a ceremony where they bring a shovel and they start to turn the soil in preparation for the building of whatever structure. I attended this one as an uninvited guest. We got word, as the leadership of the Soweto Students' Representative Council, that the late Dr Connie Mulder would be turning the first sod in Soweto for the building of another Bantu education school, as we perceived it at that time.
When he took the podium to speak, I grabbed the microphone, not from him but from the master of ceremonies, and addressed the gathering. I grabbed the spade that he was supposed to use to turn the sod and threw it away. After addressing the crowd, we shouted "Amandla!" [Power!] and ran away before the police came.
Today, in our new-found democracy, I am working side by side with his son, the hon Mulder, the Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. We are jointly using the same spade that I threw away earlier in order to build our democracy and deliver to our people, both black and white.
The principle of nonracialism is a principle on which the ANC will never compromise. If any member from any political party crosses to the side of the ANC and happens to be a white opposition member, we treat you like a South African, because that is what we see. We treat you like a member of the ANC, because that is what you are; we treat you as a comrade. We are able to embrace those who are now members of the ANC in the spirit of nonracialism, because those are policies that the ANC has engendered over the years. My colleague here spoke about the Freedom Charter. He said: "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white ..."
My colleague from the DA is quite perturbed about the high rate of unemployment, which also affects white youth. We have to be objective about this. The economic meltdown is hitting the rest of the continent and, in fact, the whole world. In the past, jobs were reserved simply because of the job reservation laws, where Africans would not be able to do certain types of jobs and whites would be privileged to do them. We are saying the job reservation laws have been done away with. Whatever problems we are going to experience in our democracy, we are all going to experience them, irrespective of whether we are white or black.
Let us give the South African economy a chance. It is true that inflation was a little high. Some time ago, the figure was 8,5%; it has gradually dropped to 8%. Food prices are gradually coming down, but some of the big companies continue to collude in order to raise food prices. You have a situation right now in which the Competition omission is battling with all these companies, such as Premier Foods, Atlas and a number of other companies which sell bread. This collusion is actually meant to benefit those particular companies - the price of bread would go up at the expense of the poor.
All that we are saying is: Give the South African economy a chance. I concur with Nkosi and our colleague here. I am not sure what "Thuma Mina" [Send me] means. If I knew, I would be able to speak on it. I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.