Chairperson, thank you very much for that warm welcome to the House. The Social Housing Bill that we bring before you is long overdue. Social housing is state-subsidised rental housing for medium and low-income people. It services groups who cannot afford to buy a house and groups that are in transition, either geographically or in their life cycle, for example, the young, the upwardly or downwardly mobile, single parents with children, especially women or specific high priority target groups, such as pensioners or physically challenged people.
In our case, social housing specifically targets people who would normally not qualify for state-subsidised housing either because their income bracket is above that, which is normal, or because they previously benefited from subsidised housing.
Social housing has been the most common and successful form of government housing in Europe and the United Kingdom, and is recognised as an important form of government intervention in many other countries.
In a country such as The Netherlands, it constitutes up to 50% of the total housing stock and 80% of rental stock. Support for the rental housing sector has been strong internationally in recognition of the fact that rental housing is a necessary part of any healthy housing sector. In South Africa, social housing has been identified as a key area in government's attempt to create integrated human settlements.
The events of the past month have emphasised to us just how important this form of access to housing is. Foreign nationals who come into our country and settle in informal settlements have no hope whatsoever of ever acquiring affordable houses, either through government subsidy schemes, or through the banks, or through the normal sector rental scheme. If we want to be able to overcome this problem, we have to ensure that we provide access for these people to this sector, by increasing our affordable rental stock.
At our recent Minmec we took a conscious decision that we would prioritise and ring-fence the funding for this segment of our work. The trade union movement has been particularly keen to see us move in this direction, because the bulk of their workforce is in dire need of this form of housing, by virtue of their being a highly mobile workforce.
The most significant aspect of the sector is that the majority of its developments are in central city areas, and is thus the best example of a government-funded programme which has reversed the apartheid city.
Over the years, the social housing sector has grown and has been the beneficiary of significant funding from government. It is, however, characterised by a patchwork of policies, funding and institutions that do not adequately support its work and growth. For these reasons, the Department of Housing has now taken steps to assist with governance in this area and has put in place regulatory processes through the promulgation of the Social Housing Bill and the establishment of the Social Housing Regulatory Authority, all framed by the social housing policy.
Therefore the objectives of the Social Housing Bill being tabled here are to establish and consolidate general definitions and principles, which can then be recognised as the authoritative guidelines for the sector as a whole; to establish the social housing regulator; and to provide for the recognition and accreditation of social housing institutions.
The Bill provides for specific functions and responsibilities for all three spheres of government. It requires of us as the national government to create the kind of legislative, financial and policy and institutional frameworks that will enable the sector to grow, whilst provincial governments are given responsibilities to approve and administer grant funds and monitor project level compliance. Local government, on the other hand, is required to ensure access to land, infrastructure and services as well as initiating the identification and restructuring of zones.
The Bill's major purpose, therefore, is the establishment of the Social Housing Regulatory Authority, the body that, in accordance with the Public Finance Management Act, PFMA, would, amongst other things, be responsible for accrediting social housing institutions, administer and disburse capital and institutional grants, as well as conduct compliance monitoring to norms and standards by the sector. It will have powers to intervene to resolve maladministration issues and take remedial steps where necessary.
These interventions have been necessitated by the recognition that the issues of corporate governance are presently handled poorly and, therefore, affect the overall delivery of our social housing institutions. It is, therefore, necessary that institutions within the sector are geared towards better managing their portfolios in order to provide a better service to our people. The business case for the envisaged regulatory authority has been finalised and approved to enable speedy implementation.
The Bill was submitted to Cabinet during October 2006 for approval after which process it was published in the Government Gazette for public comment. Its consultation process included the setting up of a task team consisting of provincial departments, metros and all other stakeholders, who all participated in the preparation of the official policy and guidelines that culminated in the Bill that we have with us today.
In addition, consultations have also taken place with the Social Housing Foundation, National Treasury, the Department of Public Service and Administration, the National Housing Finance Corporation, Dutch, Canadian and United Kingdom social housing experts, and the National Association of Social Housing Organisations. Further consultations were held with 19 other institutions, including the Development Bank of Southern Africa and a number of other very important stakeholders.
I bring to you, therefore, the final product out of this very extensive consultation. I would like, therefore, to commend the Bill, which is now truly overdue, to the House for approval. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon Minister, hon members, my colleague in the National Assembly, the hon Butch Steyn, made the point that the previous racial boundaries of the apartheid regime are no longer clear, as they have largely been replaced by current-day wealth boundaries. The economic upswing that we have experienced over the past number of years has benefited many thousands of people but it also has its downside.
Properties of all kinds have escalated beyond the wildest dreams of most developers, and those who have invested in property timeously will have benefited handsomely. They will argue that they have invested wisely and that is possibly true. However, those who had insufficient means, who constitute the vast majority of our population, were unable to apply their wisdom even if they wanted to. Let us be quite frank about this: The empowerment programme of government has benefited only a select group of the population. Only those with the right family connections, the right contacts and the right party affiliations have become extremely rich, whilst the poor, by and large, have become poorer.
Property and, particularly, a choice of house is therefore still out of the reach of the masses, and any measure to address this crying need must be welcome. The proposed restructuring zones envisaged in this Bill, if properly administered and implemented, will create the possibility of bringing lower-income people into the areas where there are jobs and will provide them with accommodation, which, previously, they would have been unable to afford. This is truly a noble concept, but the envisaged Social Housing Regulatory Authority will have their job cut out for them in order to maintain a sustainable balance in this regard.
You simply cannot uplift people by impoverishing those with means who surround them. That is an outdated communistic concept that history has effectively rejected. Only a limited number of people in the world with established power bases still believe that is possible. Unfortunately, we still have some of those in South Africa and even amongst us here in the House who preach the principle but only when it would not endanger their own assets and comfort zone.
When you have one deflated wheel on your car, you do not deflate the other three to level the car. You inflate the one tyre in order to lift it to the level of the other three wheels. I am, however, sure that the long-term objectives, as contained in the policy document of the Bill, are aimed at putting into place a process that is highly regulated and progressive.
My province, Mpumalanga, has conferred a mandate on our delegation to support this Bill and my party, the DA, likewise supports the Bill. One small item, however, concerns me somewhat. The select committee, supported by the provinces, inserted a small addition, which ensures that much needed and laudable recognition is also extended to child-headed households.
In our present situation, as a country suffering under the threat of the dreaded HIV/Aids disease, many child-headed households have surfaced and emerged, and if we really are a caring society, we must look after them and all policies must provide for them. My problem is that rental of whatever nature implies that contracts must be entered into and, by law, hon Minister, minors are not permitted to enter into contracts.
I do not believe that we considered this unintended potential problem properly, but I am sure that the legal advisers would have given the matter the consideration it deserves and I trust that the Minister will, in her reply, give us the necessary assurance. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, I think I cannot disagree with the hon Watson when he says that those who invested early are those who are reaping the benefits. The only problem is that this does not go further to say who in actual fact had the opportunity to benefit and to invest at the time, because the majority of our people were excluded. Property in itself or investment in property was something strange to our people. That is why they could not invest in property. As a result, we need to appreciate the fact that the very same capitalist ideology that you seek to present in this House is the one that has disadvantaged the majority of our people from the mainstream of the economy. [Interjections.] Of course, a few have benefited because by its very nature it creates an environment in which the minority benefits at the expense of the majority. This means that by its very nature it is to the disadvantage of the majority, even in respect of acquiring knowledge on how to access some of the strategic economic instruments and so forth. These are the very same liberal policies that your party advances, which seek to disadvantage our people further.
Therefore, hon Ministers and hon Watson, I think there is one thing we tend to forget sometimes: If you look at the very same property boom or access to property in our country, the time will come when you will have to be honest to say that, even until today, those who have access to property from amongst the majority, the middle class, are highly indebted. Who are they indebted to? They are indebted to the very same policies and systems that your party advances. Consistent with the strategic objectives of the ANC, we seek to build a South Africa that is a nonracial, nonsexist and prosperous one. The Social Housing Bill, which is the Bill we are deliberating on today, seeks to do exactly that.
For a very long time, since the dawn of our democracy, our government has started grappling with how best to integrate our communities and ensure that our people are housed at close proximity to economic activities and development. We will note that the advent of our democracy presented a lot of positive development on the social front. It provided those particular benefits to many people who, for the past decade, were disadvantaged or left at the periphery of the economy. As a result, due to poverty and lack of job opportunities, we observed a lot of movement of people into cities seeking better opportunities in particular jobs in order to invest in property.
For obvious reasons, leaving rural areas for urban areas presented serious challenges to the government, in particular, with regard to the provision of housing. Notwithstanding other factors, this movement of our people to economic centres gave rise to the mushrooming of informal settlements and a demand for rental housing stock, hence the many backyard dwellers in Soweto, Galeshewe, Port Elizabeth and many other places in our country. We have also noted the rental of shacks, of course, which our people see as an investment in Gugulethu, Joe Slovo, Phuthanang and many other informal areas in our country.
Noting that our housing policy makes provision for social housing, we saw our government responding to this challenge by piloting a number of social housing projects, especially in Gauteng and in other places in the country of course. We also saw the implementation of social housing projects through international donor funding. While the objectives were good, this was too fragmented and not properly guided through a legislative framework.
We will remember that not so long ago, in 2001, the President of the Republic made an announcement to the effect that the ANC-led government is committed towards: the regeneration of inner cities in the country; the development of well-located land with the intention of broadening the current housing assistance programme; and accommodating higher density development and addressing the increasing demand for rental housing in our urban areas. This commitment should also be seen and read in the context of our Polokwane resolution of creating sustainable human settlement. This must also be guided by the principles of restoring and furthering human dignity and citizenship, integrated development planning and funding alignment, inner city regeneration and rental housing provision.
The importance of this Bill is beyond our imagination. It does not only seek to regulate or to ensure that government plays its role in as far as capital injection is concerned with regard to the provision of housing. To us as the ANC and as the committee, this piece of legislation has far- reaching objectives which are very, very progressive. Taking into account what I said at the beginning, it is worth noting that this Bill seeks to do exactly that.
In terms of the content and context of the Bill, there will be a total reorientation, hon Watson, in respect of human settlement in the sense that we shall, through this experience, develop a truly nonracial and nonsexist South Africa. At an ideological level, we shall experience a different orientation with regard to our people.
The Bill seeks to inculcate a very important aspect of co-operative ownership and responsibility for our people. Through social housing projects, our people shall not only benefit from the low rental opportunity, but most importantly also from the capacity and the ability to live together and share through the spirit of ubuntu, and not be self- centred. In short, this Bill provides for a co-operative housing option for low-income earners at a level of scale and built form which requires institutionalised management, and which is provided by accredited social housing institutions or other delivery agents in accredited housing projects in designated restructuring zones.
Hon Minister, during deliberations on this Bill at committee level and in provinces' public hearings, our people once more re-emphasised the need for designated zones not to be far from their workplaces. The matter was raised against the backdrop of the role municipalities will, of course, play in the implementation of this Bill. We will note that while we resolve to house our people near their places of work, some municipalities still zone land for human settlement in a manner that is not consistent with our own objectives.
One other matter that came out very sharply during the negotiating stage of the Bill is that many provinces raised the role of the private sector. The matter was raised in the context that while we know that the target population is the low-income earners and the fact that they do not rent to buy, which we understand and agree with, the role of the private sector does not come out clearly. Provinces were quite worried in the sense that once the private sector invests money, driven by its capitalist values in its nature, it wants a return. Therefore, the provinces want to know what the role of the private sector is going to be with regard to injecting its money in this particular issue, and what would, therefore, be the balance between profit-driven investment and social-driven investment. I think provinces saw the need for clarity on this particular matter because if not they might run the risk of the private sector taking away the very same gains that have been achieved thus far. To achieve its housing objectives and to provide coherence to the social housing sector, our government will continue to pursue the establishment of regulations and the maintenance of social housing institutions through a structured and dedicated policy programme. Therefore, members would note that the Bill encapsulates the proposed range of interventions to stimulate the development of this sector. The overall purpose of the policy is to establish a mechanism in terms of which the people's glorious movement-led government can create an enabling environment for the development, delivery and maintenance of the social housing sector required to deliver sustainable human settlement at a large scale in "Mzansi".
We take note of the fact that, as a committee, we will continue to support any programme that seeks to harness, mobilise and galvanise the collective effort of our people. We will support any programme that seeks to teach our people that togetherness is the only way in which they will be able to prosper in life. We will discourage any form that seeks to build in an element of individualism that has no bearing on the social and economic development of our people. Thank you very much, Chairperson. [Time expired.]
Chairperson, hon members, comrades and compatriots, hon Minister and departmental officials ...
Nna ke ngwana wa gaMasemola. Ke golet?e Atteridgeville, ka ntlong ya go rentiwa, yeo motho a bego a e kolota bophelo bja gagwe ka moka, go bile go se seo a kago se dira go e tlogela. Go be go se monyetla wa gore baleloko leno ba ka go etela. Ge gona ba ka tla, pele ga ge let?at?i le dikela, maphodisa a tla be a tsene a tlile go ba swara. Gape pele ga ge let?at?i le dikela lapa le tla be le nyakilwe dipasa le dilo t?ohle. O be o tlamega go dula fase wa ipot?i?a gore gabotse re sent?e eng rena bana ba thari ye ntsho le gore re tlile go hlaka go fihla neng.
Karabo e be e no ba gore re sa tlile go hlaka go fihla ge ANC e t?eya marapo a pu?o. Mokgatlo wo wa batho ke wona o kago tli?a diphetogo t?eo di nyakegago. Wona mokgatlo wo wa go phekaganela batho o tla dira gore batho ka moka ba ipethe difega ba re aowa, ye ke ya ka. Yo a nyakago go tloga gae gore a batamele mo?omo gore bana ba gagwe ba hwet?e sekolo ka bokgauswi le gore a kgone go iphedi?a bokane, o tla tloga lokei?eneng gomme a nyaka ntlo mo a kago t?we a dut?e, moo a tlago re go fet?a mo?omo a ya a naba maoto gagwe, a iketle. (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)
[I am originally from gaMasemola. I grew up in a rental house at Atteridgeville. This is a type of house a person would be paying for his or her entire life without any option of moving out. Our relatives were not allowed to visit us. When they did so, the police would come and arrest them before sunset. The family members would also be required to produce identity documents and everything. One would be forced to sit down and ask oneself questions such as, where did we go wrong as black people and till when will we suffer? The only answer was that this will continue until the ANC starts governing. This people's party is the one that can bring about the necessary changes. This party which protects people will make them proud and instil in them a sense of belonging. Those who want to move closer to their workplaces, bring their children nearer to schools as well as live a better life, will leave the township and acquire houses where they will settle and relax when their working days are over.]
Chairperson, the social housing sector has not been regulated for quite a long time by any legislation, which impacted negatively on the growth in the sector. The Social Housing Bill was developed and introduced to provide a legal framework for the regulation of the social housing sector.
The President announced in 2001 the government's commitment towards the regeneration of the inner cities of our country, the development of well- located land and the intention to broaden the current housing assistance programmes to accommodate higher density development and to address the increasing demand for rental housing in urban areas.
In 2004, the President referred to a Comprehensive Housing Programme which deals with human settlement and social infrastructure, including rental housing stock for the poor, and the broader question of special settlement patterns. An implication of this is our efforts to build a nonracial society. This is exactly what the Minister said.
Re nyaka go bona bana ba gaborena, bommagorena, batswala ba rena ba kgona go ba le go lokologa, ba iketlile ba dule mo ba nyakang, ka yeo ba nyakang. Ge ba nyaka go boela gae ba boele gae, go se ke gwa ba le gore o na le mokitlana wo mongwe wo o go imelago gore o palelwe le ke go hema.(Translation of Sepedi paragraph follows.)
[We want our people to feel free and comfortable - to live in places of their choices. If they wish to go back home, they should be able to do so without any problem due to heavy debts.]
Then, the department released a comprehensive plan for the development of sustainable human settlement entitled Breaking New Ground. This document reinforces the vision of the Department of Housing to promote the achievement of a nonracial integrated society through the development of sustainable human settlement and quality housing.
E sego t?eo re bego re di bona peleng. [Things should be different from what happened in the past.]
The Bill is expected to assign the responsibilities of national, provincial and local government on matters pertaining to social housing. It will also ensure that the relevant institutional arrangements and capacity required by social housing programmes are in place.
The Bill also deals with the establishment and functioning of a Social Housing Regulatory Authority as a statutory body. Its functions are to regulate social housing, accredit social housing institutions; advise the Minister on matters pertaining to social housing; administer and disburse capital and institutional grants; conduct compliance monitoring via inspections; and to intervene in the day-to-day management of social housing institutions in cases where regular inspections have identified maladministration.
In this regard, hon Minister, I would like to say this is a very big responsibility. They should ensure that our people are accommodated in houses that will not fall down. Furthermore, they should be monitoring that inspectors are reinforcing the mandate that they are given by Parliament, the department, and by this Bill in order to ensure that our people are not taken for granted as is the case at the present moment with other contractors. The agencies that we are establishing must ensure that they do exactly what is required of them.
The Bill makes provision for the accreditation of social housing institutions that will ensure that every person who is in need of housing gets housing, and that every person who applies for social housing rental stock gets that. But, hon Minister, there is a problem with the very same infrastructure in Limpopo. There is a place called Garena, near Polokwane. The infrastructure there is okay.
Bothata bjo bo lego gona ke gore maitshwaro a batho ba gaborena ka nako ye nngwe a re i?a fase. [Our people sometimes behave in a disappointing way.]
They behave in a manner that ensures that when government has provided accommodation it looks and wants to take them out of those houses.
Ba lwa ka gare ga dintlo t?eo. Ka yona nako ye ke bolelago ka yona motho yo mongwe o rwalet?we bookelong. Bjale ke dira boipilet?o go badudi ba Afrika Borwa gore mmu?o o leka ka maatla go ba fa madulo. A le rena re t?eyeng maikarabelo, re boneng gore seo mmu?o o lekago go re direla sona se a phethagala.
Ka wona mant?u a, Morena Modulasetulo, ke re ANC e thekga Molaokakanywa wo. Ke a leboga. [Legofsi.] (Translation of Sepedi paragraphs follows.)
[They fight in those houses. As I am speaking now, someone is being taken to hospital. I am making a plea to the citizens of South Africa that the government is trying its best to give them houses. We must then take responsibility to ensure that the endeavour by government becomes a reality.
With these words, Mr Chairperson, I say the ANC supports this Bill. I thank you. [Applause.]]
Chairperson, hon Minister, and the staff of the Housing department, the good intentions of providing houses may be fraught with many challenges. Changing the approach to housing provision by the department is welcomed and encouraged. The proposed legal framework has to be accompanied by business plans as well as architectural plans so that construction on site is started immediately when the budget is available. Underspending on the housing budget in the sea of housing needs is unimaginable.
Poor service delivery in rural areas has resulted in a massive exodus of people to towns and cities in search of job opportunities. Being poverty- stricken, all they can do is to put up shacks for accommodation.
Therefore, the Social Housing Bill is welcomed and has to look at accommodation that can be provided.
Street vendors who make less than R100 a day and have no shacks sleep on the streets under the blue sky and on rainy days they cover themselves with plastic sheets. So, open holes with a roof above one's head are needed. People in transit provide themselves with sleeping bags or blankets but they must have adequate toilets and showers that are clean and hygienic. We will remember in the olden days there was a place called Kwa-Tiki or Three Pence.
Rental flats with single, double or multiple accommodation for people who work in town and cannot move their families because they need to work there have to be provided as well. The word "hostel" is out, but partnered workers still live there and they cannot without partners go to their homes. They only go to their homes over weekends or at the end of the month, just like parliamentarians. Their housing needs need to be provided for as well.
The housing budget should be used for solid houses with a good foundation. Even poor people need quality houses, be it small. Fly-by-night contractors distort the image of the department and its partners. Bigger companies could act as mentors and provide support. The promotion of unbiased rural development could assist rural communities to be economically viable and reduce the exodus of the people to towns, particularly in the present economic climate.
According to the chairperson of the Select Committee on Finance, this Social Housing Bill may look into providing miniature houses in rural areas, versus the provision of sites for storing food and farming equipment.
Rural communities build spacious houses so that these sites could be treasured for life. Of course, even then there will be poor households and we will still need housing. Housing co-operatives will ensure that communities assist each other. Communities in rural areas are often promised houses when there are elections.
Amakhosis and iziNdunas have to be part of these programmes. The issue of land should be discussed with them with regard to building houses or expanding towns or suburbs. The state law advisers did not see the need to refer the Bill to the National House of Traditional Leaders. This is cause for concern because the perception may be that traditional leaders are persona non grata, and this would leave a bad taste in the mouth of leaders in all spheres who come from the countryside or the indigenous areas. The IFP supports the core Social Housing Bill, but further attention should be paid to development as it occurs or unfolds. I thank you.
Voorsitter, agb Minister, agb kollegas, Suid-Afrika is 'n groeiende land wat al hoe meer mense van alle vlakke van die samelewing lok.
So is Kampsbaai een van die gebiede wat bykans `n 60% styging in eiendomswaardes beleef het, terwyl die res van die provinsie, soos in die hele land, 'n afname van 10% in huispryse ondervind het. Dit is een van die gebiede wat die Stad Kaapstad "silver spoon"-areas noem. Dit word gedoen omdat die mense daar gereken word asof hulle met die spreekwoordelike welvarende silwer lepel in die mond gebore is.
In uiterste skrille kontras daarmee, bly honderde, selfs duisende mense in Kaapstad onder die skreiendste omstandighede. Die uiterste armoede en haglike toestande heers daar, terwyl groot dele van die stad se mense ongestoord hulle gang gaan en talle gesiglose arm mense ignoreer. Wat meer is, die Stad Kaapstad reken self bykans 'n halfmiljoen wooneenhede is nodig om die agterstand met behuising binne sy stadsgrense uit te wis.
'n Metroraad is 'n munisipale of plaaslike bestuursowerheid wat ruim belasting insamel en ook toekennings van ander sfere van regering ontvang om dienste aan sy inwoners te lewer. Dit is 'n internasionaal aanvaarbare norm dat regerings belastings van alle mense invorder en dan daardie geld in die openbare belang bestee. 'n Groot deel daarvan word gebruik om die infrastruktuur en lewensgehalte van veral armer inwoners te verbeter. Anders het die rykes strate van goud gehad, terwyl die gewone mense in modder en riool moes rondploeter.
Dit is hierdie basiese grondslag van sy taak as plaaslike regering - en ek herhaal, regering - wat die DA-misleide raad van Kaapstad doelbewus poog om te omseil. Selfs van daardie onheilige samespanning tussen partye, wat nie een 'n wyk in die laaste verkiesing kon wen nie, en die jakkalsagtige DA se poging om die stadsregering te kaap, het daar dadels gekom. So ook van die leidende DA se mooi broodjies in manifeste en beleidstukke oor hoe 'n munisipaliteit moet werk.
Wat die DA-beheerde koalisie sedertdien gedoen het - die ander partye is mos nou netjies met soustreinposte stil gemaak - sal in 'n duisend jaar geen verskil maak om Kaapstad 'n plek te maak waar gewone mense 'n aanvaarbare bestaan kan voer nie. Inteendeel, die DA se ''English lips'' en ''angry white overlords'' doen alles in hul vermo om sy nasionale en provinsiale regeringsvennote se werk ongedaan te maak, 'n atmosfeer teen hulle te skep, en om moedswillige vertragingstaktiek toe te pas.
Maatskaplike behuising is 'n hol begrip vir 'n party wat net na die belange van sy ryk skenkers en middelklasondersteuners omsien. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hy het geen belang by die lot van arm mense nie en sal net lippediens betoon om die sogenaamde regte dinge te s, maar in die praktyk net mooi niks doen om die armes se las te verlig nie.
Hoewel Kaapstad die oorgrote aantal verhuurbare wooneenhede vir arm mense in hierdie provinsie besit, doen daardie raad bitter min om dit behoorlik in stand te hou en voel vere om nog meer mense te help om ook 'n holte vir hul voet te vind. Die DA-geleide Kaapstad se standpunt hieroor is duidelik: raadslid Frank Martin en burgemeester Helen Zille het in Delft mense ondersteun, en skelm in die middel van die donker nagte diegene besoek, wat ander inwoners van die stad as buitestaanders gebrandmerk het, om hul grond en huise te beset.
Oor mense wat in die vlaag gewelddadige xenofobiese aanvalle ontheem is, het Zille in 'n brief in Die Burger te kenne gegee dat sy net van hierdie probleem ontslae wil raak. Stuur hulle terug na hul lande van oorsprong en die provinsie moet die versorging van die mense oorneem, het sy geskryf. Hierdie is die bekendste bewys van die Engelse libertynse, Nimby-sindroom van ''not in my back yard'', agb Watson. [Tussenwerpsels.]
Dieselfde allergiese gedrag is sigbaar in sy hantering van mense wat nie vir die DA stem nie of wat hy as vreemdelinge of inkommers beskou, agb Krumbock. Die fariseragtigheid is in kontras met die DA se ooparm verwelkoming van DA-ondersteuners uit ander dele van die land en selfs buitelandse DA-skenkers wat hulle hier kom vestig. Dus, die DA verwelkom jou net as jy 'n DA-lid of 'n DA-ondersteuner is. So nie, is jy persona non grata. Of jy 'n wettige inwoner en belastingbetaler is, tel nie punte nie. Zille is daarvolgens net burgemeester vir die DA en sien net na hul belange om.
Dit is ook te sien in die manier waarop wykstoekennings bestee is. Dit is net in DA-wyke gedoen. Die DA-stadsraad het geen beduidende of behoorlike voorsiening in sy begroting, wat vandag voor daardie raad dien, gemaak nie. Hy wil nie genoeg geld gee om arm mense sonder huise te help nie. Daar word ook nie grond gekoop om mense op te vestig nie. Die grond wat daar is, word nie beskikbaar gestel nie. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Mr F ADAMS: Chairperson, hon Minister, colleagues. As a growing country, South Africa is attracting more and more people from all walks of life.
In Camps Bay we have an area that has experienced an almost 60% increase in property values, while the rest of the province, like the whole country, has experienced a 10% drop in house prices. It is one of the areas called "silver spoon" areas by the City of Cape Town. This is because the people there are regarded as having been born with the proverbial affluent silver spoon in the mouth.
In absolutely glaring contrast, hundreds or even thousands of people in Cape Town are living under the worst conditions, in abject poverty and desperate circumstances, while large sections of the city's people go on undisturbed, ignoring the many faceless poor people. Moreover, the City of Cape Town itself estimates that about half a million housing units are needed to address the housing backlog within the city limits.
A metro council is a municipal or local government authority which collects taxes in abundance and also receives allocations from other spheres of government in order to render services to its inhabitants. It is an internationally accepted norm that authorities collect taxes from all people and then spend this money in the public interest. A large part of it is used to improve the infrastructure and quality of life of especially the poorer inhabitants. Otherwise the rich would have streets of gold while the average people would be sloshing along in mud and sewage.
It is this underlying principle of its task as local government - and I repeat, government - which the DA-misled council of Cape Town is purposefully attempting to evade. Even from the unholy coalition between parties that were unable to win a single ward in the last elections and the fox-like DA, in its attempt to hijack the city government, nothing has come. The same goes for the governing DA's attempt to curry favour in manifestos and policy documents as regards how a municipality ought to work.
What the DA-controlled coalition has done since then - of course, the other parties have been silenced with gravy train jobs - won't make a difference in a thousand years in making Cape Town a place where average people can make an acceptable living. In fact, the DA's "English lips" and "angry white overlords" are doing everything in their power to undo the work by its partners in national and provincial government, creating an atmosphere against them and applying wilful delaying tactics.
Social housing is a hollow concept for a party that only looks after the interests of its rich donors and middle-class supporters. [Interjections.] It has no interest in the fate of the poor and will only pay lip service so as to say what sounds "correct", but in practice it will simply do nothing to alleviate the plight of the poor.
Although Cape Town commands the large majority of rental residential units for the poor in this province, that council is doing precious little as regards their proper maintenance and also completely disregards helping others to find a place to live. The position of the DA-led Cape Town is clear in this regard. Councillor Frank Martin and Mayor Helen Zille supported the people in Delft, but in the middle of the night they stealthily visited those people who had branded other citizens of the city as outsiders in order to occupy their land and homes.
As regards those who were displaced in the wave of xenophobic violence, Zille has intimated in a letter in Die Burger that she just wants to be rid of this problem. Send them back to their countries of origin and the province must take over the care for those people, she wrote. This is the most public proof of English liberalism, the Nimby - not in my backyard - syndrome, hon Watson. [Interjections.]
The same allergic attitude can be seen in their treatment of people who do not vote for the DA or who they regard as strangers or newcomers, hon Krumbock. The pharisaical attitude is in contrast with the DA's open-armed welcoming of DA supporters from other parts of the country and even foreign DA donors who come to settle here. So the DA only welcomes you if you are a member of the DA or a supporter. If not, you are a persona non grata. Whether you are a legitimate resident and taxpayer doesn't count. In those terms, Zille is mayor of the DA only and looks after their interests only.
This is also evident from the way in which ward allocations have been spent. It was only done in DA wards. The DA city council has made no significant or proper provision in the budget now serving before that council. They will not give enough money to help those poor people without homes. Land to settle people on is also not being procured. The existing land is not being made available.]
Hon Adams! Hon member, hon member! Can I take a point from the hon member?
I would like to know whether the hon Adams will take a question.
I think tomorrow at this time, Chair.
The hon member doesn't want to take your question. That is sufficient.
Die DA wil nie genoeg geld gee om arm mense sonder huise te help nie. Daar word ook nie grond gekoop om mense op te vestig nie. Die grond wat daar is, word nie beskikbaar gestel nie, omdat die DA nie arm mense in hul gebiede wil toelaat nie, want hulle mag dalk vir 'n ander party stem. Die DA speel dus speletjies met mense se lewens en tragiese omstandighede.
Behalwe dat Kaapstad se DA selektief net geld aan infrastruktuur in sy DA- kiesersgebiede bestee, ignoreer hy flagrant die nood in ander gebiede. [Tussenwerpsels.] Kaapstad pas fiskale storting toe. Hy gooi oorskotte in sy kapitaalbegroting op sypaadjies in gediensde gebiede; hy pak bakstene op verkeerseilande, onder bome en in tuine terwyl daar mense in hierdie stad is wat geen boom het om onder te slaap nie - nie plek vir 'n tuin het of 'n baksteen om hulle teen die aanslag van koue, ren, stormwinde, water, en warm weer te beskerm nie. Dit is hoe skynheilig die tweegesig DA-monster is.
Behalwe dat die stad nie dienste aan inwoners wil lewer nie, wil hy ook nie met ander regeringsvlakke saamwerk nie, en doen alles moontlik om met die N2 Gateway-projek te sloer; of gee stukkies grond vir ekonomiese behuising aan simpatieke vriende en van sy voornemende skenkers. Die DA dink hy kan die taak deur die privaatsektor laat doen. Maatskaplike behuising is 'n taak van die regering en ons moet dit saam doen, agb Watson. Die ander wil geldmaak; nie ander mense help nie, soos die DA dit doen.
Die DA stoom voort met sy ou storie. Hy wil regeer, maar waar hy die bus gevang het, is hy nie gebore in staat om goeie bestuur toe te pas nie, agb Watson. Hy is 'n afvlerkparty wat lam raak as n yslike taak aangepak moet word. Kortom, die DA is soos hulle s in Kaapse terme of op die Vlakte: Die DA is "useless" en kan nie in regering vertrou word nie. [Tussenwerpsels.] Hy verdien dit om deur sy eie kiesers verwerp te word omdat hy 'n teleurstelling is en bly, ongeag wie sy leier is. (Translation of Afrikaans paragraphs follows.)
[Mr F ADAMS: The DA doesn't want to give enough money to assist poor people without homes. Land is also not being procured to settle people on. The land already there is not being made available because the DA will not allow poor people into their areas, because they may just vote for another party. The DA is therefore playing games with people's lives and tragic circumstances.
Besides only spending money selectively on infrastructure in its own voters' areas, the DA is also flagrantly ignoring needs in other areas. [Interjections.] Cape Town applies fiscal dumping. It is spending surpluses in its capital budget on sidewalks in serviced areas. It is laying bricks on traffic islands, under trees and in gardens, while there are people in this city who have no tree to sleep under, no space for a garden, nor a brick with which to protect themselves from the cold, rainy weather, gales, water and even warm weather. That's how hypocritical the two-faced DA monster is. Apart from the fact that the City refuses to render services to residents, it also won't co-operate with other tiers of government and is doing everything possible to delay the N2 Gateway project; and it gives tracts of land for economic housing to sympathetic friends and some of its prospective donors. The DA thinks it can let the private sector perform this task. Social housing is a government task and we should do it together, hon Watson. The others want to make money and not help the people, just like the DA is doing.
The DA is forging ahead with its old story. It wants to govern, but from where it got on the bus it is totally unable to effect sound management, hon Watson. It is a party with a broken wing, which goes lame whenever an enormous task has to be tackled. In short, as they say on the Cape Flats: The DA is useless and cannot be trusted in governance. [Interjections.] It deserves to be rejected by its own voters because it is and will remain a disappointment, irrespective of who its leader may be.]
I want to quote, in conclusion, a great leader of the ANC, Chief Albert Luthuli. He said:
Our vision has always been that of a nonracial, democratic South Africa which upholds the rights of all who live in our country to remain there as full citizens, with equal rights and responsibilities with all others. For the consummation of this ideal we have laboured unflinchingly. We shall continue to labour unflinchingly ...
... in uplifting the poor. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, it is always such a tragedy to follow on an eloquent speaker like the hon Adams because I cannot step into his shoes. I just ask the House to bear with me for a while.
I would like to deal with the matters raised chronologically because most of them have a great deal of substance that I would like to respond to. The hon Watson has, unfortunately, used the occasion to make sweeping statements about the policies that have underpinned our economy and has made very oblique references to and implications of the Bill. The Bill, however, I must note has been called progressive by the DA - I don't know whether I should take this as case of death for my Bill - but anyway I welcome their support because, indeed, I do regard it as a very progressive Bill.
The point about child-headed households is considered, hon Watson. Let me explain the policy on housing. We allow a choice of housing opportunities to all. What we do for the most vulnerable - which will be child-headed households - would be either free housing or subsidised housing. We would like you to understand that so that you can channel them to those who need to be given free housing. We give support to a particular segment of people that have the ability to rent. We do not regard child-headed households as having the ability to rent. Therefore, we did not make special provision for them because we are hoping that they are provided for in the law, to give them free housing and are prioritised on the waiting list. I hope that this is taken care of and understood. So, should you encounter child-headed households in your constituency, please understand that they receive priority on our waiting list and we give free housing for such categories.
I'm grateful to the chairperson for providing the necessary background information about why this sector of housing is such a crucial intervention, especially with regard to ensuring that people have access to places close to workplaces and social amenities; the important notion of shared experience across previously desperate groups; and a shared experience that will ultimately build a truly transformed country and people.
Hon Tau, your concern about the role of the private sector is noted. Social housing in itself does not ensure co-operation between the private sector and government, but through the subsidy we attract and harness the private sector. The regulatory framework that has been established through the Bill will ensure that we are able to lay down laws, norms and standards for any institution that operates in this segment. We will pay particular attention to this for the comfort of the provinces that have raised this with you. Indeed, hon Matlanyane, I also grew up in Atteridgeville. You won't believe this but through this intervention we intend to ensure that people have a choice to live where they want. Hon member, I am very grateful for the input that you have made by calling on our people with the message that they should understand that they have a responsibility especially in terms of the project you mentioned in Limpopo. We, indeed, do everything we can and, therefore, we expect that the citizens have to understand their responsibility within democracy. It imposes a particular responsibility on them to do their bit and to look after the government's provision. I'm glad that you mentioned it in the language understood in Limpopo; I hope they are listening.
We are also very concerned about the issue you raised about ensuring quality. We are making sure, as you have indicated, that there are inspectors. This is a priority for us. When people use their hard-earned money to rent accommodation, the quality has to be worth the rental. This matter will be attended to.
Hon Adams, the screen indicated that you will be speaking English, so I thought I had a split personality when you launched into Afrikaans. I was diving for my interpreting device and missed the most vital part of what you said. But what I got I am extremely grateful that you did mention it and it is absolutely true is that the City of Cape Town has undermined all the efforts which both the national and provincial government have put in place to ensure that most of the policies are tested somewhere. I am very glad that you have said it in a language that will reach the people who understand what we are saying.
Finally, within the limited time that I have I would like to apologise to the hon member from KwaZulu-Natal for the fact that the state law advisors did not see it necessary to send this Bill to the traditional leaders. In a way, I'm very glad because the turnaround time was so much quicker. But I apologise as it gives the impression that, perhaps, they were omitted from this. I am very glad that you and the IFP have accepted this Bill. I would like to think that wherever it is possible you will explain that it was not our intention to exclude them and that whenever possible we will bring them on board. I hope that the House will explain that the intention of this Bill is to ensure that, especially in areas within the urban areas where people come to work, we provide affordable accommodation.
I want to say to the hon members that beyond those areas that we have mentioned, we live in difficult times to which most people have to adjust. We hope that this Bill will create the necessary safety net for those who need shelter and can no longer afford where they live. I hope, now that this Bill has been passed, those categories on which members have elaborated will be catered for. I'm extremely impressed with and grateful for the level of interaction we had between the Bill and the members of this House. Thank you very much. Debate concluded.
Voting deferred.