House Chairperson, firstly let me convey my sincere regards to you all in memory of the class of 1976. I am immensely honoured to participate in this debate in memory of the fallen martyrs of the class of 1976. Their resilience and superb conviction to die for the principle they so religiously believed in serve as a lifetime motivation that calls on us to continue to realise the vision of a fully free and democratic society. We will not fail in our cause to do so.
This task becomes an easy one to execute because we as the ANC are the toughest, evergreen branches of the tree, rooted in the true African soil, a tree that continues to be nurtured and nourished by the blood of the likes of Solomon Mahlangu, Hector Pieterson, Hastings Ndlovu, Lily Mithi and an endless list of true soldiers in the combat line. They passed on with their boots poised to tread the then promising path to freedom.
Hon Chairperson, in my reflection throughout this debate, I challenge you, hon members, through the hon Speaker, to bow our heads in honour of their spirit and shout from the rooftops, saying: Your drumming voices amidst the struggle still echo the fresh call to continue to consolidate our acts together as a nation and to preserve the glue that holds us together across racial lines, free from prejudice and all forms of discrimination. We dare not fail in this regard.
Our resolute decision to commemorate the tragic events of 16 June 1976 was not in vain. It was informed by, among other things, historic importance as a reminder of the painful passage that the African people have travelled to attain freedom. The decision also had multi-prolonged benefits for South African society, and the youth in particular.
Hon members, the purpose of this afternoon's discussion is located in the historic impact of the commemoration of June 16 year in and year out. A litany of racial laws promulgated by the apartheid regime triggered a lot of discomfort for the African people in the seventies, especially Bantu education, the education system that was designed to train and fit Africans for their role in the newly evolving apartheid society. In 1953, the Bantu Education Act of 1953 was promulgated as a pillar among apartheid projects to separate black South Africans from the main, well-resourced, education system. Among other things, this law was one of the many measures used by the apartheid regime to cause South African blacks to receive an inferior education, one that would merely prepare them for manual jobs.
In 1974, for example, the racist government gave the instruction that Afrikaans, alongside English, should be the medium of instruction in schools. As a reaction to this, black South African students began mobilising themselves to fight this unjust practice by the then government. On 16 June 1976, between 3 000 and 10 000 students were successfully mobilised by the South African Students Movement action to stage a peaceful march in protest against the use of Afrikaans as the medium of instruction.
The trigger-happy police then started shooting randomly at the students. Amongst those in the frontline and the first casualties were the late Hector Pieterson, Lily Mithi and Hastings Ndlovu. From that moment, the streets of Soweto became the battlefield characterised by skirmishes between the police and students. From Soweto these tragic events mushroomed into the neighbouring townships like Tembisa, Kagiso and other parts of the country.
Workers were persuaded to stage a strike by mounting pickets at the railway station and bus terminus. Summarily, South Africa became a bloodbath, which was triggered and provoked by the racist and oppressive regime.
The young and innocent learners who are friends across racial lines must be encouraged to remember that there was a time in this country when they could not be friends because they could not attend the same school. They could not stay in the same areas. They could not play at the same facilities. They must know this uncomfortable part of their heritage so that it shall never again be that they will ever be subjugated merely on account of their skin colour.
They must know that there was a time in South Africa when they were compelled to learn in a foreign language. They must know that there was once a gallant generation of fighters whose image and embodiment is the late Hector Pieterson and his many other living contemporaries, and that these forebears of the youth today resisted with everything at their disposal, including their lives, the imposition of Afrikaans as a language of learning and teaching. It is necessary that the youth of today should understand the historical context of some of the many problems which were caused by apartheid. They must know all these truths so that they can be vigilant to the misguided rhetoric of present-day peacetime warriors who distort history and project the ANC-led government as the cause of problems when it is engaged in cleansing the longest trail of colonialist baggage in Africa.
The youth must know that there was a time in South Africa when young black students could not further their education, a time when the doors of learning and culture were closed to them because they could not afford a university education. We must tell the youth that it is the ANC whose policies addressed these injustices of lack of access to education when it declared that their circumstances of birth would not determine their destiny. These truths must be told. Parents must also take responsibility to lead their children to an appreciation of their identity and essence. The profoundly rich African heritage of bedtime stories and fireplace anecdotes, fables and idioms must be rekindled even as we embrace modern- day PlayStations and social media platforms as forms of entertainment and engagement. Central to the act of learning is a people's language. In this regard, we have a long way to go in teaching the youth to love and appreciate their languages. After all, June 16 was about asserting one's identity and refusing to be subjugated through language. [Applause.]
At this date and time, we cannot whinge and whine and thus continue to deepen the cracks of racist tendencies, as perpetuated by the previous regime. We can only learn the positive lessons from the Soweto Uprising as outlined briefly. Hopefully you would agree with the ANC that events such as these are a good reminder of the realities that have made South Africa what it is today. Let the memory of the struggle heroines and heroes continue to inspire our youth to struggle for a South Africa where poverty, unemployment and equality will not be their legacy and heritage in years to come.
On one level, the commemoration of this day should be the glue that holds us together as a nation as we curse the bitter and painful past and say in unison: Our country will never ever be the same again. [Applause.]
Surely, commemoration of this day must be converted into a powerful instrument for nation-building, reconciliation and a convenient way of fostering social cohesion. It is true that all South Africans across all racial lines are the products of a true African womb. We must therefore learn to unite now more than at any other time before, because we managed to survive against all odds. By way of illustration, hon members will recall that the cynics and soothsayers made countless pronouncements that South Africa would plunge into civil war prior to the first democratic elections. What happened?
Who can forget the cynical statements about the lack of readiness and security prior to our hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup? Instead, we had a very successful World Cup in 2010.
Re bana ba mpa e le nosi, ga re ka ke ra kgaoganngwa ke sepe. Motswana o buile a re sedikwa ke nt?wapedi ga se thata, e bile 'tau di senang seboka di siiwa ke none e tlhotsa. (Translation of Setswana paragraph follows.)
[We are siblings and nothing will separate us. There is a Setswana saying that says two hands are better than one, and that a simple job can be difficult for an individual but an easy job for a group.]
No one can dispute that the exemplary spirit and tone set by the class of 1976 left a lasting inspiration for the young people of South Africa to actively take a keen interest in matters affecting them, especially in education. Commemorating this day is a very important anchor in the historical account of our past, which will always be part of us, but will never discourage us from looking forward to a better future.
By way of illustration, hon members will recall that there are strong and progressive student representative councils in institutions of higher learning. We also have a progressive Youth Alliance, which is very active, that consists of young people from different structures, and is able to deal with issues affecting people in education, unemployment, and other challenges in our country.
Commemoration of June 16 also helps to weave the social thread by organising and taking part in sporting and cultural activities that take place to foster racial unity, which help to mature our democracy, and, most importantly, deepen the efforts of reconciliation. Through constructive debates and cultural events scheduled for the commemoration of 16 June, society, and youth in particular, are exposed to practices of a cultural nature among different races. This, therefore, makes solid the strides made by the ANC-led government of building a nonracial, nonsexist and democratic South Africa.
A series of events to celebrate the June 16 Uprising organised throughout the country therefore becomes a convenient catalyst to encourage tolerance and mutual existence and for diverse cultures to be showcased. This stark reminder of the role played by the youth inspires us to join hands and attend all activities to pay homage to the fallen heroes and heroines by actively participating in sports.
One more important dimension of the commemoration of June 16 annually lies in the centrality of its importance with regard to how it could contribute to the changed face of our education system. To commemorate this eventful and tragic day is to acknowledge the historical value it bears to current society. In other words, the true history of South African politics is incomplete without a comprehensive narrative of the events of 16 June 1976.
It is a breaking point that remains a treasure in our education, and thus needs to be preserved. We can neither archive nor hide the stark reality of the enormous importance that the Soweto Uprisings had for the South African landscape. It has to be retold both as an oral history as well as a written one.
We have the backing that guarantees our right to commemorate important dates in our history. We are therefore encouraged to use this opportunity to learn a lot from the determination of the Class of 1976 as we commemorate this day.
Honourable Speaker, I affirm that the ANC-led government's decision to set aside time to reflect on the day in this debate, as an annual event, is a step in the right direction as it rekindles the rich treasure of the early days in the conception of our current democracy. It is a good story to tell and a good story to keep and transfer to all generations.
There is a dire need to conduct unconscious political education, and the correction of distorted facts is necessary. It is in the commemoration of such events that distorted historical facts are corrected at open public events organised by the government. Such a progressive and beneficial opportunity must not be missed and that is why I, on behalf of the ANC-led government, a party voted for by 62% of South Africans, urge all members and sectors of society to attend the commemoration of such events. It is an opportunity never to be missed.
Finally, a few days ago we all learnt that there are some who proclaim to hail from Soweto. Well, I guess that by now they must have had a very informed and reliable political baptism. They would therefore not grace this podium and whinge about the challenges that we all are aware of. We know the challenges facing youth as well as society.
I therefore expect them to be part of the constructive debate, as stated by the President of this country in his state of the nation address, by opening up to the realities around the need to jointly commemorate this eventful day to remind ourselves of the fact that we, as mankind, can rise above an oppressive and limiting environment and achieve what is good for our common good.
Members of this esteemed House, the days of whingeing and whining are gone. We need to join hands and build this nation together and continue being the social glue that helps in building the nation. Let us be part of the commemoration as one nation with a common history and destiny. We do this to leave a legacy, not to be compared with anyone else. As the ANC, we will expose the flame to those who still prefer the darkest passages. I refer to those on the left. The ANC lives and the ANC leads! This government is ready to take the youth forward. [Applause.]
The next speaker is the hon Mr Y Cassim, who is delivering his maiden speech. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, this debate is in honour and remembrance of the youth of 1976, who rose up against the system that saw fit to use education as a means of oppression. The surest way to empower our youth is through quality accessible education. This includes access to higher education and training, the absence of which is oppressive to the majority of our young people even today.
This was most sadly illustrated in January this year, when half of the qualifying young people had their dreams, hopes and aspirations shattered by the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, NSFAS, shortfall debacle. Their calls and cries rang hollow at the time, as hollow and empty as the bench of the hon Minister Blade Nzimande, who is not present with us in this important debate.
I stand here today, having dedicated my life to this struggle, to carry the hopes and dreams of our young members to the very benches of this Parliament. I stand here today not to fight, like some, for medical aid schemes, but to fight for the future of the people of our country and for the future of our country as a whole. [Interjections.]
I stand here to fight for Lebohang, a young woman who, three months into the semester at the University of Venda, received an SMS from NSFAS, telling her that although she qualifies for higher education, her government will not provide for her. She mandated me to ask the hon Nzimande what she should do. Should she continue attending classes, with nowhere to live, no food to eat and no money to register? Or should she travel back to Tzaneen without any taxi fare, back to her family and village, which has already celebrated her admission into university? [Interjections.] I find it sad and ironic that the name Lebohang, translated from the Sesotho language, means "be grateful".
I will address the hon Nzimande in his conspicuous absence. Hon Nzimande, Lebohang, like hundreds and thousands of young South Africans who were failed in this fashion and in other ways, has very little to be grateful for. You, hon Minister, are directly responsible. You knew that the NSFAS budget was insufficient to allow our people to pursue their future and build our country. You were warned countless times, but chose instead to ignore these warnings and to focus your political efforts on yourself and the hon President Jacob Zuma.
What is your plan, hon Minister? Next year, 50% of NSFAS applicants who were turned away at the beginning of this year will have to compete with a new batch of matriculants to pursue their future in the absence of meaningful free higher education for poor students. This is why urgent action is needed. All you have done is burn through years with working groups upon working groups and committees whilst an entire generation is becoming confined to the fringes of our society. [Applause.]
Young South Africans cannot afford to wait for government to catch up to their needs. In the absence of any substantive plan, hon members, let me assist you with one. The DA has already developed a plan which will make free higher education for poor qualifying matriculants a reality. This starts by ensuring that R16 billion is urgently made available so that no student is prevented from furthering their studies just because they cannot afford to do so. [Interjections.]
This, by the way, is a constitutional imperative that this government has failed to practise. The entire cost of this funding must be converted into a bursary on the completion of a student's studies so that they are not burdened with a debt plus interest just because they come from a poor background.
Yes, hon member, what is your point of order?
It's a waste of my time, Chair. Please ...
Hon Chairperson, I want to ask whether it is parliamentary for members, when they are presenting their maiden speech to be aggressive, as they are being. [Interjections.]
Order! Order, hon members! Order! I indicated when the hon member took the podium that it is a maiden speech. However, it is his choice. If he wants to be aggressive or if he wants to be interjected, then that is part of the debate. And that is why there have been a number of interjections coming from the benches. Hon member, you have 30 seconds to complete your speech.
Furthermore, the state must stand surety for loans for needy students who do not qualify for NSFAS. I invite you, hon members, to learn from the DA's alternative budget, which shows this is workable. [Interjections.] The amount of R21,4 billion can be saved by streamlining government departments as well as their projects; R30 billion can be saved by simply cutting corruption. Educating its citizens is the best investment a country can make.
The returns in revenue and economic growth are over one and eleven-fold respectively. There is no good reason why free higher education for poor qualifying students is delayed and continues to be delayed. There are only bad reasons. There is only a neglectful government. Thank you. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon House Chair, fellow hon members, salutations to the Commander-in-Chief, and the people of South Africa. I would like also to salute the generation of 1976, who were the ancestors of the fighters that we went to salute when we formed the EFF before going to Marikana to salute the current fallen heroes who are fighting for economic emancipation in their lives. [Applause.]
We have been asked today to come and debate youth development. Let me first begin by describing and defining what the youth is. The youth is a generation of people who are in transition between childhood dependency and adulthood independence. This transition is largely about economics, where we enable a generation to succeed in becoming truly economically self- sufficient.
In South Africa, though, this has not been the case for many decades, particularly for black people. In particular, we know that black people have been working under precarious conditions for many years. Under apartheid the state ensured through the migrant labour system, firstly, but also through many laws that black people do not work under decent labour conditions. They work without pension funds, without medical aid schemes, housing allowances, and without prospects for education or to educate their children. This is not an accident or a dysfunction of an economic system. It was actually designed that way.
The apartheid government needed to make sure that at all times there are masses of black people who are available as cheap and easily disposable labour. It trapped for the longest possible period the majority of black people as permanent juniors. Therefore we call this process the process of "permanent juniorisation". You trap black people as people who must constantly be unable to be economically self-sufficient ... [Applause.] ... to depend on grants, to always live at the feet, begging for the crumbs that fall from the master's table.
During the past twenty years, what has the democratic state done to crush this legacy of shameful black living and of blacks who cannot be proud of their lives? Firstly, the democratic government has kept that process of permanent juniorisation consistently uninterrupted. They have become part of those people who make sure that at all times capitalists find available en masse black people who are cheap and easily disposable.
How have they done this? They did this through the consistent and unapologetic, uninterrupted implementation of neoliberal policies. What are these policies? They are flexible labour, to make sure that the many people in this country who work in Edgars, who work in Shoprite, remain under labour brokers. What does that guarantee? Cheap and easily disposable black labour.
Secondly, they have ensured that and they celebrate it. They call for, from Growth, Employment and Redistribution, Gear, to the NDP, low wages. They have made it a point that the wages are low so that capital is able to celebrate coming to invest in South Africa, because it knows that it does not have to be responsible for preying on our people. They have kept them there, low, because the purpose of the democratic government is no different from the purpose of the apartheid government, and that is to make sure that as many black people as possible are available in their numbers as cheap and easily disposable labour.
Lastly, by the way, the majority of the workforce earns R3 300 or less. Under the ANC government as well, the unemployment rate has risen from 15% in 1994 to 35% today, or 37% - depending on which statistics you read - and the majority of these remain the youth, who are largely black young people.
According to Stats SA's labour market survey of 2014, this month, of those who are employed, young people are more likely to be employed on a contract of limited duration than on a permanent contract. The share of young people employed on a permanent contract also declined over the period 2008 to 2012 from 53,6% to 21,6%.
Members of the ruling party will come here to celebrate the Expanded Public Works Programme, EPWP, which is a programme of constantly availing, at the very lowest price, masses of black people and they make it a priority of the black youth to work at menial labour, the jobs that apartheid always wanted them to do, low-paid and on a temporal contract, because they must always be available at cheap rates, and they must be easily dismissible. [Applause.]
Capitalism in South Africa never wants to pay wages. And the terrified ANC government has now even made the offer to pay on their behalf the wages of our people. They have offered to take the taxpayers' money to pay them through what they call the youth wage subsidy. [Applause.] Why does the ANC government not force companies to pay decent wages and employ people directly on decent contracts, where they pay them and make sure that they have money to take their children to school; pay them decent wages to make sure that at all times they are able to have quality health care. They don't do that, because they are terrified. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
Hon House Chairperson, unfortunately the youth of South Africa, 2014, do not have a good story to tell. Twenty years into our freedom and democracy, education is just as bad as it was in 1976. They are receiving poor quality education on your watch, hon Minister Motshekga. A 30% pass rate and you expect them to become something in life, yet the people who struggled for this country come to this very podium and tell us that: "We have got a good story to tell." [Laughter.] What good story is there to tell when we have over four million young South Africans who are unemployed? They come here and tell us that we must wage a new struggle. What struggle 20 years into our freedom and democracy? No sane, thinking person must accept that young people must struggle in a free and democratic South Africa and go through what the youth of 1976 had to go through under an oppressive regime. Why is this government adopting those tendencies and oppressing the young people of this country, forcing them into permanent unemployment? Yet, they come to this podium and say: "We have a good story to tell." [Laughter.]
When we look at the issue of HIV and Aids, and the denialism that this country went through under the ANC, we see that the ramifications of that have come back to haunt us. There are child-headed households and students without parents in tertiary institutions who have to go through long queues, red tape and bureaucracy just to get access to NSFAS funding. So, what the hon Ndlozi was saying here is that you have taken young people and you have put them into a culture of dependency, because it works in favour of the ANC to have voter fodder, because if they are dependent on you, they will vote for you. What a shame! [Applause.] And then you come here and say you have a good story to tell. [Applause.]
You have done the youth of South Africa a major injustice by removing anything that says their lives are going to be improved from your social conscience. As I was preparing for this debate, I said, why should I write a speech, because young South Africans are speaking for themselves. They are saying to the government: "Shape up or ship out!" because you are failing them. You failed them in 1994; you are still failing them today. The government does not even have a youth ministry or a youth department. This very Parliament does not even have ... [Interjections.]
Hon Chair, would the hon member take a question? [Interjections.]
Order, hon members! Hon member, are you prepared to take a question?
No, I am not, hon Chair!
The hon member is not prepared to take a question.
This very Parliament does not even have a Parliament to represent the interests of young people. So, how do you expect the majority of young South Africans, who are the majority of this country, to take anything we do here seriously when even this institution does not take them seriously? We do not want to hear this refrain and this rhetoric, because it does not make sense. It is old age! There is not a good story to tell. You have failed young South Africans. You should be ashamed of yourselves.
The message is very clear: Shape up or ship out. If you do not shape up, we will ship you out. [Applause.]
Order, hon members! The next speaker is hon Mncwabe, and he is also delivering his maiden speech.
Hon Chairperson of the day, hon members of the House, Ministers and Deputy Ministers, it is the submission of the National Freedom Party that, firstly, the issue of youth affairs should not be prioritised for the month of June only.
The youth represent a large number of the population of this country. We should be talking about these issues every day, not only when we commemorate the heroes of June 16. The youth of South Africa are facing the serious challenges of a skills shortage, a high rate of unemployment, HIV/Aids and drug abuse. Among these challenges, unemployment counts as a serious one. Even those who are employed are still the victims of labour brokers, which we say, as the NFP, should be scrapped by the government as a matter of urgency.
Our submission as the NFP is that skills development is one of the important strategies to tackle the problem of the scarcity of labour. We therefore urge the Department of Higher Education to put up more funding for FET colleges and build more new FET colleges, especially in townships and rural areas. We all know that the country is still in need of a number of artisans, therefore FET colleges should become a priority for the current government.
We also wish to submit that this House should review the role of the National Youth Development Agency, the NYDA, its functions, duties, goals and objectives. This is the structure that was formed to help the youth of this country, but it is unknown to the youth of rural areas and those in townships. It is not visible and vocal in youth affairs. We only learnt about this structure when there were some corrupt activities going on. We therefore believe that we need to revisit the necessity of the structure, which continues to waste the money meant for the youth of this country.
We also wish to submit to the Department of Basic Education, hon Minister of Basic Education, that one of the things which we believe can tackle the issue of unemployment is to review the curriculum at the basic education phase and include important subjects like driving lessons as well as accredited computer certificates at matric level. We believe that should a young person leave school with a valid driver's licence and a recognised computer certificate accredited by Umalusi, together with a matric certificate, this could also help those who cannot afford higher education to get employment at that particular level. Lastly, Comrade Chair ... Thank you, sir. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
The next speaker is the hon Steenkamp, who is also delivering her maiden speech. [Applause.]
Hon Chair:
They would just see us walking out of class and would try to stop us, and we would tell them, "Wait, this is our day."
Teboho Mohapi, one of the pupils of the class of 1976, spoke these words. We are celebrating Youth Month because of brave young men and women like Teboho, one of the brave young people in Soweto who stood up against an oppressive regime and demanded a better future. They demanded a more beautiful future. We must honour their legacy.
Today, in the present time, we must ask ourselves if we are indeed honouring that legacy. They fought and died so that our generation could make a "bokamoso ba rona" [a better future for all.]
The problem is that after 20 years of democracy, we have not arrived at that better future yet - "bokamoso bo bontle!" Where I come from it means "a beautiful future". That is exactly what the DA is fighting for. Yet, we look around and we see staggering youth unemployment, a struggling basic education system plagued by students not having textbooks, students not having teachers in class and a lack of political will to implement the desperately needed policies.
The NYDA was created by government more than four years ago and was meant to "usher in a new era in youth development". However, the agency only ushered in a new era, or rather generation, of corruption led by ANCYL and Young Communist League cadres like Andile Lungisa and Yershen Pillay.
The NYDA's CEO unjustifiably earns R1,8 million per year, an almost presidential salary, for what - as a glorified party planner? [Interjections.] The NYDA has failed South Africa and its youth. The agency's own report clearly illustrates that it failed to meet 95,5% of its targets in the past, but they never failed to award themselves with millions of rands in bonuses.
I will quote Kurt Cobain: "The duty of youth is to challenge corruption." [Interjections.]
Chairperson, can I ask a question? [Interjections.]
No! [Laughter.]
Hon member, in future, if you want to alert my attention, you must first wait until I recognise you, before you interrupt the speaker. Once I have recognised you, then I will allow you to speak, after hearing from the speaker if he or she wants to take a question. Can we observe that in the future, please! Continue, hon member.
So, Kurt Cobain says: "The duty of youth is to challenge corruption."
Therefore, I, Johni Bontle Steenkamp, am standing here in front of you today, a 27-year-old member of the youth of South Africa, and I am telling you that the NYDA is squandering money while South Africa's youth is desperately in need of help as they are living in poverty.
Ons soek meer werk vir ons jong mense! Ons soek regte ontwikkeling en ons eis meer beurse! [We want more jobs for our young people! We want proper development, and we demand more bursaries!]
We want more skills development! We want better schools! We want better lives! We do not want the NYDA! [Interjections.]
I want to share with you a vision for a better future for young people, a future where we do not just talk and make promises, but where we deliver and implement a more beautiful future, as set out in the National Development Plan, NDP, and echoed by our Bokamoso Bo Bontle initiative.
We call on President Zuma's administration to enact the NDP by funding and enabling a high-quality education system by increasing National Student Financial Aid Scheme, NSFAS, to R16 billion. We could easily afford this if government just stops wasting money on fancy cars and elaborate parties, and cuts corruption. We must ensure that every school delivers quality basic education by having the annual national assessments of Grades 3 to 9 externally administered and marked. We must also increase the number of internships and training opportunities for the youth to R1 million per year by partnering with the business community of South Africa.
President Zuma, die tyd het gekom om tot aksie oor te gaan! Die uitvoerende raad van die Nasionale Jeugontwikkelingsagentskap moet afgedank word. Die geld moet aangewend word waar dit 'n werklike verskil vir die jeug kan maak - vir alle jeug van Suid-Afrika! Ons moet die geld aan beurse, ondersteuning vir jong entrepreneurs, internskappe, vaardigheidsontwikkeling en die jeugloonsubsidie bestee. [Tussenwerpsels.] (Translation of Afrikaans paragraph follows.)
[President Zuma, the time has come to take action! The executive board of the National Youth Development Agency should be fired. The money should be used where it will really make a difference to the youth - to all the youth of South Africa! We have to spend the money on bursaries, support for young entrepreneurs, internships, skills development, and the youth wage subsidy. [Interjections.]]
Wait, this is our day! Stop talking about it and start making that beautiful future happen! Thank you. [Applause.]
Mohlomphehi Modulasetulo, Maloko a Palamente a hlomphehang, baena le dikgaitsedi, dumelang. Modulasetulo, ke kopa o mphe monyetla hore nke ke tswe lekoteng hanyane mme ke hlalosetse bana ba heso ba batjha hore tse ding tsa dintho tseo ba di buang mona ha se tsona. Ke rata ho qala ka ntate Ndlozi. (Translation of Sesotho paragraph follows)
[Ms T V TOBIAS: Hon Chairperson, hon Members of Parliament, brothers and sisters, I greet you all. Chairperson, I would like you to give me an opportunity to briefly talk about something else and explain to our new hon members that some of the things they are talking about here are incorrect. I would like to start with hon Ndlozi.]
He quoted economics. In economics there are different models - for example, the Keynesian model and other different models. But even economists themselves do not agree on any model. The bad example that he made was that, "young people are in transition from being children to being adults." Therefore, it does not amaze me when you stand here and behave like a kindergarten child. One of the experiences that you learn as a young person - as you demand education, hon members from the DA - is to understand the policies of government. [Interjections.] One of the most important things is to understand that the ANC-led government has actually invested the biggest slice of the fiscus in education. I do not know what you want. [Interjections.]
Secondly, I will pardon your ignorance on the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, NSFAS even though Minister Blade Nzimande once stood on this podium and requested Members of Parliament to bring to him anybody who has a challenge with NSFAS so that he could address the matter immediately, but you have not brought anybody so far. [Interjections.] So, I will understand if those new members who do not read any government documentation do not understand what the fiscus is, how much we have allocated, and the employment statistics. I can share some of them with you.
Today, hon members, I dedicate my speech at the celebration of Youth Day to a former member of this august House and my former leader in the progressive movement, the ANC, Comrade Kgaogelo Lekgoro, whom I learned has passed on this week; a cadre of our movement who died, not having betrayed his ideals for contrivance, demagogy or any other machinations. Even though at the time of his passing away he was not holding a position of power, he remained true to his convictions. He remained a disciplined cadre of the