Chair, I am so fortunate because I get this opportunity to speak after the historic revival of the ANC during the past weekend in Mpumalanga. To those who are raising things like us having an African car, that is not a bad idea. But as members here, some don't even have a gold watch, yet they are extracting gold from South Africa. To give you some brotherly advice, I will take what was named by Gandhi as the seven things that can destroy us: politics without principle; knowledge without character; pleasure without conscience; wealth without work; commerce without morality; worship without sacrifice; and science without humanity.
On 25 May 1963, several African states converged in Addis Ababa in Ethiopia to establish the OAU with the view of creating a continental platform to debate the total liberation of the African continent. This was inspired by the spirit of unity and solidarity of all African people in addressing political and economic challenges facing the continent. While the overall political objective of the OAU was to eradicate the remaining aspects of colonialism on the continent, African leaders who gathered in Addis Ababa had a vision to promote the unity and solidarity of African states and socioeconomic and political co-operation, so as to stabilise Africa. Therefore, 25 May of each year has become a day on which Africa observes the creation of the OAU and pays tribute to African leaders who sought joint intervention to challenges which faced the African continent.
Even though in July 2002 the OAU was transformed into the African Union, 25 May remained the day on which Africa remembers the formation of the OAU and the intervention it made to advance the African cause. With its transformation into the African Union, the mandate was widened to include the promotion of democracy, human rights and economic development. Therefore, in celebrating Africa Day, we reflect on the challenges of instability, underdevelopment and abuse of human rights on the continent and the collective efforts that are required to address these challenges. While recognising challenges and acknowledging advances made since the establishment of the OAU, we need to identify required collective interventions and confront the challenges.
Throughout the painful period of colonial domination, the necessary emergence of country-specific movements for national liberation within the boundaries defined by the colonial regime took place. The people of our continent never lost their sense of being African. Their shared suffering at the hands of colonial powers and the fact that they were united by their common struggle for national liberation reinforced the sense of a common identity as Africans. This sense of common identity was reinforced by the position that independent Africa took from the start - that no African country could be genuinely free until all African countries secured their liberation.
We salute the OAU for its contribution to this historic outcome. It established the political basis that informs the approach of its member states to the struggle for the total liberation of Africa, including our country. It created its own committee for the liberation of Africa, the liberation committee which played a critical role as a partner of all African liberation movements, including the ANC. For us, the celebration of the OAU must necessarily also be a moment to pay special tribute to the OAU Liberation Committee. This will give us the opportunity to acknowledge the early support we received from a number of African countries as soon as we reached out to them after the banning of our movement and the decision to all resort to armed struggle.
The socioeconomic development of the continent involves both quantitative and qualitative changes in society. The concept of development involves both economic growth as well as the improvement of the living standards of the people. Both economic growth and socioeconomic development on the African continent could best be explained by developmental state policies.
With regard to developmental initiatives, the funding for African development has come all too often with structural adjustment programmes, which undermine the capacity of African states to realise economic development. These programmes require African governments to be more concerned about capital inflow at the expense of the demands of its citizens.
A market-driven economic strategy has been imposed in many states as a development strategy, and this paradigm still dominates the continent. However, it is true to say that in the last two years this paradigm has been challenged. We have emerging countries who have displayed the market- driven strategy, especially since the global economic crisis hit the continent. This has forced countries in Africa to rethink the essence of developmental economies - who drives this and how it should be funded.
There has been widespread disillusionment with the neoliberal policies of international financial institutions. Instead of promoting development in Africa, these policies have exacerbated unemployment, poverty and marginalisation. States pursuing these policies have recorded positive economic growth while performing poorly in improving the living conditions of the people in Africa.
During the course of the South African liberation struggle, sacrifices were made across the continent. This was a period during which the liberation movement received food, shelter and facilities from various countries to enhance its endeavour to destroy colonialism and apartheid in South Africa. In the same spirit with which fellow Africans acted in unity and solidarity to defeat colonialism and apartheid, they are now expected to act together to transform Africa into a peaceful and prosperous continent that is capable of resolving its own challenges and providing a better life for all.
The ANC joined the OAU in 1963, and our democratic government is part of the African Union because it views such structure as a forum where it can contribute to continental attempts to deepen the unity of Africa's diverse people and cultures and advance their common wellbeing. We have to encourage all African states to participate in these continental structures because this is where these states will develop a common understanding and common approaches to challenges which continue to undermine peace and stability on the continent.
Africans need unity, and this unity can be effected by continental structures. It is these continental structures that are supposed to unite the people of the African continent through their uniform decisions. Uniting people around decisions will result in, among others, the success, growth and strength of these continental structures. In conclusion, within the context of promoting access to social justice on the African continent, we have to ensure that African states become relevant to people's lives. States have to facilitate the redistribution of wealth because democracy is meaningless without the fulfilment of the economic aspirations of the people. Economic redistribution promotes redistributive and social justice.
Economic growth must result in qualitative development which considers the impact of such growth in relation to the changing of the quality of life of a nation. Let us use Africa Day to debate these socioeconomic issues with the view to unite African people behind one economic vision that will produce both quantitative and qualitative development on the African continent. I thank you. [Applause.]
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS and CO-OPERATION (Ms S C van der Merwe): Chairperson, colleagues and hon members, thank you very much for a very engaging and lively debate. I wish I could come here a little more often because I think the kind of debate you have in this forum is very conducive to talking to one another, and I think it's important.
Let me also say how wonderful I thought it was that so many of you lifted out the comments and remarks made by great African leaders - Kwame Nkrumah, Mwalimo Nyerere, Marcus Garvey and, indeed, some of our adopted heroes, such as Gandhi. I think that those things will stand us in very good stead as we talk to each other into the future about where we plan to go with our continent.
Let me also say that I was very impressed with the practicality of the suggestions that came from many of our members, including discussions around education, health and the prevention of conflicts. I think these are all extremely important points which we can take forward, not only from our department's side, but also as a South African Parliament, into the debate on where South Africa is going.
I also want to highlight something that I spent very little time on - but I think it is very important - which is the role of women in the whole process of developing the African continent. Our approach to diplomacy has always been to keep the doors open for discussion with everybody. It is no good only to talk to your friends. We believe that we must remain engaged with the countries which do not agree with us so that we can persuade them of our views. This is why I'm so glad that the hon member of the DA was complimentary on a few of the things I said. Clearly, we had an effect in our persuasion of them about our views.
I also would like to thank the hon member for the compliment on the consular services. I think we have a very, very good cadre of diplomats working abroad, and sometimes they go unnoticed. I would like to pay tribute to those good ones out there who provide the services and contribute to our country in this way.
Let me underline as well that South Africa's foreign policy is based on its domestic priorities; this is very important. There are five key domestic priorities - you all know them - namely health, education, reduction of crime, rural development and decent jobs. This is what underpins the way in which we look at our international relations. In this sense, we have a Constitution which is paramount in our domestic policy. This is a Constitution that protects the rights of all people in our country and promotes the rights of all people. It look at issues to protect people in every sphere of our lives, as underpinned by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
Here we do enjoy respect for the human rights of all people, and that includes gender rights and rights with regard to sexual orientation. I do not think that this country can be faulted on our approach in this regard. Every time somebody passes a law in another country that we disagree with, we do not necessarily comment on it. We use our diplomatic force and our diplomatic agenda to persuade them of our views on these matters underpinned by our Constitution. I do not believe that we can comment on every single law that we do not agree with in another country. But I think our record, particularly on sexual orientation, stands for itself. [Interjections.]
Well, I'm coming to that.
I also want to point out that there is no such thing as a declaration; you must get your facts right. There was indeed a statement made by one country in the United Nations, which some countries supported, but South Africa found it to be faulty and did not support it. It has no status of law at the United Nations and it does not hold any water. It was simply a statement made by some country, and I don't know off-hand what it was. There is no such thing as a declaration.
The next question, which I think is extremely important, was raised - I believe - by a member from the DA. South Africa does have a car which is called the "Joule" or the "Jol" or the "Yol" or the "Jouvielle". It is an emission-free car. It has been developed by our scientists in science and technology. It is under production in Cape Town as we speak. [Applause.] So, let's just remember that. [Laughter.] This is going to be a green, eco- friendly car. We will hopefully drive it in the near future. The prototype has been designed; it is on the floor. The car is being developed as we speak.
The next question I want to address, which was raised by many people, is about the contribution of other big players in the world, such as China and India. Many people here, especially from the opposition, spoke about these countries in a negative sense. Let's face it: China and India are driving world growth. Should we not be partners with them in this driving of world growth? I think China and India offer an opportunity for South Africa - for our products and co-operation - in a way that no European or American markets can offer at this point. I think it is negative to suggest that China and India are only here to take our resources. We, as a stand-alone, sovereign country, should use the opportunities that we have through our diplomatic relationship with them to build our own economy.
I think this is a very important point. Let's face it. Let's not talk about Africa - like some of you did - as "the dark continent", and so on. Africa has a young and growing population; not an old population like some other continents. Africa has a growing economy in a situation where many economies are in the doldrums. Africa also has resources and the potential to generate energy. I think we should use these as opportunities to take our advantage now and go forward in partnership with other countries which want to do business with us.
One of you, who doesn't agree with me on anything, said, "Africa must come alive". But I can agree with that person on that. Africa, come alive! Somebody else said, "Mayibuye iAfrika" [Let Africa return], and that's how I would like to end. Thank you very much. [Applause.]