Madam Speaker, the hon Godi reminds me of that very famous English expression: He who pays the piper calls the tune. Therefore, I suppose he has to pay for the tune. But we are deadly serious about the motion of no confidence, and there are many reasons why President Zuma must go. With the time at my disposal, I will deal with only some of them.

The first is that President Jacob Zuma should never have become the President of South Africa in the first place. Prior to becoming President, he was facing over 700 charges of a serious criminal nature. Two months before he was inaugurated, the prosecution against him was suddenly discontinued by the National Prosecuting Authority, making a mockery of the principle that all South Africans are equal before the law. The DA is fighting, and we will continue to fight, to have this clearly irrational and unlawful decision set aside.

Secondly, the hon Zuma has used every legal trick in the book, and millions of rands of taxpayers' money, to avoid his day in court, but this day is soon coming to a court near you. Not only that, but his private attorney is the President's special adviser, paid for by the taxpayer. What advice, we wonder, does Mr Hulley give at our expense?

Thirdly, and as a result, the Zuma administration has been characterised by a culture of impunity, where whether one gets prosecuted, fired or suspended depends not on what one has or hasn't done, but which side of which faction within the ANC one belongs to, and how slavishly one carries out the orders of Number One. Look at Nkandla, look at Guptagate, look at what's happening to the Hawks. Look at what is happening to poor old Mr McBride.

This culture of impunity is powerfully reinforced by President Zuma's failure to account, fully and in detail, to Parliament. Despite his protestations to the contrary last week, he has avoided question time. When he gives them, his replies are evasive, generalised and vacuous. Under his watch and with his encouragement his government has allowed jamming devices and riot police to be introduced to Parliament. He is creating an authoritarian state in South Africa and presides over it with all the ruthlessness of Vladimir Putin and all the sleaze of Richard Nixon.

Fourthly, this sorry state of affairs has become possible because President Zuma has appointed, or intends to appoint, key people in his administration as a result not of their abilities, but because of their loyalties to him and his faction of the ANC. Examples include the COO and the acting CEO of the SABC, Mr Hlaudi Motsoeneng, the former National Director for Public Prosecutions Adv Menzi Simelane whom we had to get thrown out by the Constitutional Court and Mr Vuma Mashinini, due to be parachuted directly from President Zuma's office into the Independent Electoral Commission.

Most seriously, the President has quite simply failed in his duty to lead. At a time when our economy is faltering, when load shedding makes it very difficult to run shops and businesses, when corruption is an everyday occurrence, when tens of thousands of jobs have been lost, when deserving students can't stay in university because the National Student Financial Aid Scheme, NSFAS, has failed, when xenophobia is rearing its ugly head, when South Africans are desperate for inspiration, vision and leadership, President Zuma giggles. [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Some of the participants in this debate don't seem to get how serious a liability the President is. Speakers from the ANC were particularly weak, and I would like to address some of their comments, in particular those of the Minister in the Presidency who blamed the low growth rate in South Africa on the global economic slowdown. He quoted the case of Greece, Croatia and Ireland, etc.

South Africa has a growth rate projected at 2%; Namibia, 5,1%; Botswana, 5,8%; Mozambique, 7,4%, and Kenya at 5,7%. Why do we do worse than our neighbours? It is because of the lack of leadership, lack of inspiration and lack of vision by President Zuma. [Applause.]

Then there was the Minister of Human Settlements. She is a remarkably thin- skinned politician for somebody with so much experience. Her speech was a classic display of condescension, arrogance and asininities. She referred to Twitter ratings, Mickey Mouse, Goofy and bats. I failed to understand what on earth she was trying to say. She quoted Milton. I'd like to quote Shakespeare: Her speech was ``full of sound and fury, signifying nothing''. [Applause.] [Laughter.]

With regard to my friend, the hon Sindi Chikunga - I am afraid I got lost with all the gates - I noticed that in the speech that she made, she did not say one word in defence of President Zuma.

I would like to address myself directly to someone who did not take part in this debate, the hon Jeremy Cronin. He lectured me as a first-year student at UCT. Early in my second year, he was detained and eventually convicted for what were then described as ``offences against the state''. He paid a terrible price for his beliefs, and I admired him for it. The hon Cronin ignited in me an aspiration that South Africa could become a nation united in its diversity, in which everything that was rotten and evil in the apartheid regime could and would be overcome.

Now, the very direct question that I would like to put to the hon Cronin is: Is what we have now what you struggled for? Did your sacrifice justify the spawning of a new regime which, in most respects, is indistinguishable from the old? When you look around and see failure, greed, nepotism, corruption and tender fraud, are you not sickened to the core? I know you are, and for every one of you, there are ten other decent members of the ANC who are likewise appalled at what, in so short a time, we as a nation have become. [Applause.]

You, and the others you represent, know that President Zuma is, quite simply, not worthy of his office and must go, quickly, for South Africa's sake. [Applause.]