Hon Chair, hon Minister, hon members and fellow South Africans, in January 1917 the troopship SAS Mendi left Cape Town to play her part in World War I, with 802 African men on board. On 21 February, the SAS Mendi sank in thick fog off Plymouth in the United Kingdom. The late S E K Mqhayi, a national poet, said about this event:
Le nqanawe uMendi namhla yendisile Nali igazi lethu lisikhonzisile Ukufa kwawo loo madoda kunomvuzo nomvuka
Their death bears significance and serves as inspiration. We thus need to dedicate this debate to those unsung heroes who died on the SAS Mendi because through their sacrifice they symbolise the unity and internationalisation of Africa so that Africa can speak with one voice, so that African Renaissance can prevail. [Applause.]
Japan's Yoshi Mori contended that Africa constitutes one quarter of the world's population, and the world without a stable Africa will remain unstable.
Minister, I would like to congratulate the Department of International Relations and Co-operation on their unqualified audit and for the high- quality, regular updates to the portfolio committee.
However, if you talk about the current context and situation in South Africa, it is quite complex and challenging. The Reserve Bank has revised the growth focus of 2,7% down to 2,4% and South Africa's trade performance remains low, with exports growing at just 1% in real terms in 2012 against an increase of 7,2% in imports, pushing the deficit in the balance of payments to 6,2% and/or R190 billion. The gross domestic product, GDP, has dropped at the end of the first quarter this year to 0,9%. The Gini coefficient is approaching 0,8. The economy is shedding jobs and creating social turbulence.
This is a dangerous space to be in in the economy of a globalised world. We therefore need to be an active and constructive player in global affairs. The pressing issue here is South Africa's economics, and the diplomacy of economics should therefore prevail and be guided by the philosophy of ubuntu. The central pillars that should underpin our international relations should be the New Growth Path as well as the National Development Plan, NDP. Both South Africa and Africa need growth, and inter-African trade should be developed for the growth and prosperity of both. The international relations and foreign policy operate within two domains, that is, domestic and international. Weak states gradually lose their autonomy and the foreign policy agenda is dictated from outside.
In the context of a declining economy, South Africa is in danger of losing its power to define and set the agenda and engage in meaningful foreign relations on regional integration. The NDP advocates that South Africa should improve collaboration and co-operation through deeper integration and increased trade with its regional trade partners in Africa and the global South in general. The tripartite free trade area that comprises India, Brazil and South Africa should be the priority.
South Africa lies at the tip of the south of Africa and is strategically located between Brazil and India. We have to explore the strategic location of South Africa. With regard to Brics, we have to say that our strategy as a country must be based on quantifiable outcomes of value to South Africa. We need to see accelerated trade amongst the nations of Brics so that we deal with the economic challenges facing our country. It must not be a talk shop for the sake of it.
Our policy must be predictable. Former President Nelson Mandela moved us from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy in 1994. We must say that that bolstered our democratic government and also liberated our country. The hallmarks of the policy were based on human rights, democracy, justice, peaceful coexistence, commitment to Africa, economic development and international co-operation in an interdependent world. Foreign policy was predictable.
During former President Thabo Mbeki's time, government pursued predictable foreign policy in pursuit of a progressive agenda and relied on negotiations, diplomacy and soft power to achieve its goals. As a result, we had a positive trade balance in the year 2003, with R1 billion in imports and R2.8 billion in exports. Currently, South Africa's trade performance is very poor and has pushed the deficit of the balance of payments to 6,2%, as previously indicated. That means our balance of payment deficit is at R190 billion.
On diplomatic and economic stagnation, the ruling party has actually, in its document to Mangaung as well as in the international relations White Paper, reverted to the pre-1994 period, which focused on anti-imperialism and anticolonialism. This focus is misplaced. The nature of international relations has changed and these concepts do not provide the means for understanding and addressing the current international economic landscape. We live in a multipolar world, where blocs exist, but national positions are often shaped autonomously and independently.
In Africa, there has been an increasing diplomatic and commercial activism. Emerging powers, such as China and India, are targeting natural resources, services and potential manufacturing bases for export purposes. South Africa's socioeconomic profile requires that foreign relations must have meaningful economic benefits for the country. There needs to be a balance between the soft power elements of South Africa's foreign policy and deriving gains for the domestic economy. Unfortunately, an incident like the landing of a private aircraft by close friends of the South African President without ministerial approval at a South African air force base undermines the ethical, moral character, diplomatic strength and sovereignty of our country.
India and South Africa have ties that stretch back to colonialism and the struggle against apartheid. The two countries are closely linked through their membership of India-Brazil-South Africa, Ibsa. However, this diplomatic fiasco has weakened the historically strong relationship between South Africa and India. The way forward for South Africa must be to ensure that embassies are centres of commercial diplomacy. Also, there must be the political will to place the needs of citizens above personal political gains of our leaders. [Applause.]
Lastly, Palestine and Israel need a special committee that must focus on this issue as both countries have a high regard for the role South Africa plays. We salute the ambassadors who continue to fly and serve our country well. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon House Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers and hon members, the experts often contend that relations between states take place in a chaotic atmosphere, a counsel to the practitioners of diplomacy to be particularly astute and perceptive when advancing the interests of the nation abroad, while maintaining and strengthening the symbiotic relationship that must exist between domestic and foreign policy. Hon Minister, you and your crew have navigated the tumultuous waters well thus far, but not without challenges.
According to the director-general's latest briefing on the strategic plan of the department to the portfolio committee, South Africa's foreign missions ought also to act as strong rallying centres to attract the right and relevant kind of foreign investments to fight poverty and inequalities in South Africa. We saw this as a liberal opinion needing serious attention on the part of the state. What we should intelligently acknowledge is that the implementation of our foreign policy will inevitably impact on our domestic issues, including legal and constitutional arrangements, as citizens continue to organise broadly and intensely for social and economic justice. Therefore, any contradictions between our domestic and foreign policies threaten the vision of the National Development Plan, and will in its wake weaken the sovereign authority of the civil state. This we believe is a recipe for protracted social strife. Hence, we appeal once more for the intensification of the programme on public and economic justice.
Hon Minister, in your 15 April 2013 summary statement of the strategic plan of the Department of International Relations and Co-operation 2013 to 2018, you pointed out some of the major shifts in world politics that continue to shape South Africa's role within the international system. This is perhaps a justification of the increase of the departmental budget in financial, human resource, technological and infrastructure terms.
While the IFP supports this Budget Vote and the general thrust of the programmes of the department, we propose that the country re-examine or re- evaluate the expansionist programme of the department and its strategic or nonstrategic sphere of influence, bearing in mind that the principle of mutual development is not always assured; as well as whether the potential of our economy to execute and sustain international peace, security, co- operation and development effectively will not be adversely affected as we spread our resources thinly across the globe; and whether regional integration and development should not be the priority concern from where to advance continental unity and development.
One of the reasons the IFP is proposing a re-evaluation of our expansionist policy is that difficult questions loom for this government and subsequent governments. Is South Africa becoming a willing or reluctant African hegemony, consolidating or undermining the African freedom that came with independence, or is South Africa a strong and genuine participant in reclaiming and restoring the economic sovereignty of the peoples of the continent of Africa? Does South Africa possess sufficient economic, military and technological capabilities to assist African communities against the world politics of economic dominance and dependence that are currently converging on the continent from the Euro, Atlantic and Asian economic powers?
We applaud the progress made by all the political parties in Zimbabwe on the new constitution and commend the Southern African Development Community, SADC, member states for their enabling diplomatic intervention in Zimbabwe.
We believe the future of a stable and prosperous Swaziland will be better served by President Zuma, in consultation with the SADC leadership, establishing an envoy of African elders who are conversant with the prerogatives of the African monarchy to meet with the Swazi monarch, his counsellors and all other stakeholders with the express view to propose a harmonious future constitutional monarchy for Swaziland that must accommodate the prerogatives of the African monarchy, aristocracy and democracy.
In conclusion, we join in the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, founded on 25 May 1963, in Addis Ababa. We remember the emergence of a formidable Pan-Africanist movement in 1900, driven from the diaspora, on the African continent, led by Kwame Nkrumah, Nnamdi Azikiwe, George Padmore, W E B du Bois, Sylvester Williams, Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda, just to mention a few. Today the peoples of Africa salute them. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon Ministers, hon Deputy Ministers as well as hon members, the UDM supports Budget Vote No 5. [Applause.] We wish to thank the department for all the good things it has done. I will, however, leave the enumeration of the department's achievements to its praise singers.
During our oversight visit to the department's head offices in Pretoria at the beginning of the year, we were shocked to learn that the director- general of the department and his senior officials had not been briefed about the 2012 agreement to deploy South African troops in the Central African Republic, CAR. Yet, they are the first line of defence with respect to our foreign policy. While still on the subject of the CAR deployment, could the hon Minister take the nation into her confidence and explain Operation Morero and its implications?
It would be interesting to know whether the President briefed the hon Minister timeously about the 2012 CAR deployment. If yes, why did she not brief her director-general and his deputies? If not, would she not agree with someone who says that her mandate as the head of our foreign policy was hijacked?
We ask these questions because the President is duty-bound to consult with the departments of Defence and Military Veterans, State Security and International Relations and Co-operation, as well as with Parliament on all foreign military deployments. Could it be that the Minister's department was also bypassed in government's dubious decision to support the regime change in Libya?
If this is the norm, then there is a possibility that the Presidency also bypassed the Minister's office and gave direct instructions to the Chief of State Protocol, Ambassador Bruce Koloane, during the Guptagate scandal. Would the hon Minister deny this?
In conclusion, I am still wondering, in any event, why a person who is supposed to have delegated powers should require permission from the executive to authorise the landing of an aeroplane at an unclassified airport. Finally, I hope that the proposed reaction force will not suppress uprisings against leaders who loot state resources with impunity in their countries. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon House Chairperson, hon Minister of International Relations and Co-operation, Ministers, Deputy Ministers, invited guests, ladies and gentlemen, I was a bit disappointed with the DA, because I thought that something original would come out of Mr Davidson rather than padding by quoting the National Development Plan, NDP, but that indicates probably a bankruptcy of original thought. [Applause.] [Laughter.]
House Chairperson, our foreign policy of ubuntu expresses the desire for others also to have what we want for ourselves. South Africa's foreign policy, like that of any other state, is a projection of our domestic imperatives. Through our foreign policy, we project South Africa's vast opportunities as an investment destination of choice, as a world-class tourist destination, and as an exporter of quality goods and services.
Indeed, this is what we do on a daily basis through all our missions abroad, through our high-level visits, diplomatic interaction and the various channels of mass communication.
Hon members, it is in our national interest that we continue to champion and promote human rights in our country, Africa and the world.
We have an independent foreign policy for this, just for the information of the DA, based on human rights, which the DA will never ever achieve in their lives.
The major hallmarks of our human rights agenda are most visible in the conduct of our foreign policy strategies, particularly in our efforts to strengthen the African Agenda. Our involvement in peacekeeping missions in Africa finds expression in our key foreign policy strategy on Africa. We are inspired by the belief that the promotion of human rights is essential for the development and prosperity of any nation in the world.
It is not surprising that South Africa is increasingly called upon to share its experiences and to play an active role in mediating between conflicting parties, in assisting with post-conflict reconstruction and development efforts by those countries emerging from conflict, and to assist others in developing their own mechanisms for reconciliation and nation-building.
We have demonstrated our commitment to continue monitoring the ongoing political transition processes in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, as the Minister has mentioned. We have offered our assistance and experience to the transitional governments and political role-players in these countries, particularly in the drafting of their respective constitutions and in the reconciliation process.
We have been actively involved with the government of Sri Lanka. Our approach has also taken into account the important role of civil society, nongovernmental organisations and other relevant stakeholders. The idea behind our involvement is to help the people of Sri Lanka to deal with the aftermath of the civil war that took place in 2009. I have personally visited Sri Lanka to engage in various forums, mainly about our own experience.
Our message is therefore consistent throughout, namely the importance of establishing inclusive dialogue, the importance of justice, democracy, the rule of law and a legitimate constitution as a basis for peaceful co- existence. Chairperson, as the Minister has already indicated, Asia remains a strategic continent for South Africa, and our political and economic relations continue to strengthen.
The importance of some of the countries, notably China, Japan, India and South Korea as direct foreign investors in our country cannot be overemphasised. The region's importance for South Africa is underscored by the fact that Asia is the fastest-growing region in the world, followed by Africa. Although trade between South Africa and these countries is growing, the skewed trade in their favour requires sharp focus.
The South African government will continue to strengthen its engagement with all its key partners, including Nepal, Bangladesh, Thailand, Vietnam and the Philippines.
Another important structure that defines our milestone is the South Africa- China Strategic Dialogue. This is an important platform, where we engage on issues of common interest and mutual benefit. At its fifteenth session, which took place in November 2012, the establishment of the Joint Working Group on South Africa-China Co-operation featured prominently. It was also during this session that the Chinese government offered a total of 200 scholarships to the government of South Africa. We must take advantage of this opportunity. [Applause.] Our relations with Japan are solid. We continue to enjoy cordial bilateral relations with this part of Asia, through our Strategic Co-operation Partnership. In March this year, I had an opportunity to co-chair the 12th South Africa-Japan Partnership Forum meeting, which was an important milestone in the evolution of our bilateral relations, focusing on the official development assistance from Japan to South Africa, and the upcoming fifth Tokyo International Conference on African Development, which our President will be attending.
Our relations with South Korea are sound, particularly in the fields of trade, information and communication technology and water management.
Our engagement with Central Asia is gaining momentum. We are also making economic strides in Uzbekistan. Sasol has established a permanent presence in that country, and will partner with the Uzbek government in the production of liquid fuel from gas.
Hon members, the deteriorating military and humanitarian situation in Syria and the resultant number of fatalities, internally displaced people and refugees continue to increase. South Africa has condemned both the ongoing violence perpetrated by the government of Syria and the atrocities committed by the rebels and sectarian groups. South Africa is convinced that there can be no military solution to the crisis and urges all parties to immediately put an end to the violence, and start engaging in dialogue, and reach an agreement on a political transition based on the Geneva Communiqu of June 2012.
I don't know where the DA gets the idea that when voting in the UN, we have supported oppressive regimes. We have had an independent policy and we have always voted independently in the UN Security Council.
The granting of observer status to Palestine by the UN's General Assembly last November was a significant turning point in the struggle for Palestinian statehood. We again urge all parties in the Palestine-Israel conflict to enter into genuine negotiations, to create an independent Palestinian state, based on the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital.
Likewise, we continue to support the right to self-determination of the Saharawi people.
The Republic of Iraq remains an important country for South Africa. We are guided by our shared common history of a struggle for independence and self- determination. We have already welcomed, and hosted, the Minister of Trade of the Republic of Iraq to our shores in November 2012, and an agreement on economic and technical co-operation between the two countries was signed.
Although the Islamic Republic of Iran finds itself in a difficult position internationally, our government is of the view that we should continue to maintain good relations with this country. At the invitation of Dr Hossein Abdollahian, Deputy Iranian Foreign Minister for African and Arab Affairs, I paid a visit to Iran in April 2013. One of the objectives of my visit was to encourage his government to take the necessary steps to seek consensus with the United Nations and its agencies on its nuclear programme.
Hon members, moving closer to the prospects that the Indian Ocean Rim holds for our development, it must be emphasised that this formation has attracted the quest for influence and hegemony in the geostrategic context, driven by global competition for natural resources and market share. A clear strategy to engage this formation is therefore necessary for our own economic development.
The need to leverage this agglomeration of key economic anchor countries is in congruence with South Africa's domestic priorities, namely economic growth, job creation and skills development as the regional and continental integration agendas. I thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]
I have noticed that right throughout the debate when the Minister was addressing the House, there was a tremendous amount of noise from this side. I couldn't even hear some of the things that the Minister was saying because some of the members here were shouting and performing. For what, I don't know. Let the person be heard. When your members speak, we try and be quiet or the other side of the House keeps quiet. [Interjections.]
I am speaking to ... [Interjections.] Will you please sit down? I am speaking to your members, hon member. So, I am urging you please to have some decorum in the House, and that goes for this side as well. What do you want, hon member?
May I address you, madam, on this point? Are you saying that heckling is not allowed in the House? It is part of political debate.
Chairperson, on a point of order!
Just one minute, let me finish with this. The heckling is allowed, but when it is so loud that the speaker can't be heard, then that becomes a problem, madam. You may be able to hear, but I certainly can't hear due to the members at the back there. I don't want to point them out, but if you want me to, I will.
On a point of order: Hon Mazibuko has failed to teach her members to obey the rulings of the presiding officer. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Thank you! [Interjections.]
It is not a point of order, madam. Have you ruled on that? It is not a point of order!
That's for me to decide, Ms Kalyan, not you!
Hon Chairperson, hon Minister and Deputy Ministers, members in the House and distinguished guests, the ANC supports this budget.
The ANC will give clarity because we don't have spokespersons along the lines of Cope. We will definitely be able to clarify ourselves. Do we have policies or don't we have policies? We do! Definitely, in your experience, while you were a member of the ANC, you would have understood that what guided all of us are the conferences of the ANC; it is not just about individuals.
What is important for us today, and what is important in what you are saying is that you have not acknowledged the changing dynamics of global politics and its impact on our country and our continent. That is what has to inform your criticism of how our economic policies are being exercised, and how we interact with those around the world. It is very important that you should be able to reflect on that. Luckily, you understood that we have been together in Israel and wherever, so you do understand what we are talking about.
We have two to three resolutions that come from the ANC, not from individuals. The one resolution deals with transformation and global governance. I hope you will be able to find that, otherwise I will donate it to you when I have finished. It is about the United Nations. The ANC is committed to the reform of the UN Security Council, to make it more democratic, accountable and representative.
The ANC continues to advocate the expansion of the UN Security Council in both permanent and nonpermarnent categories in improving its working methods. It supports the demand for two permanent seats for Africa. The ANC encourages the AU to reinvigorate discussions and seminars on the reform of the UN, particularly the Security Council, towards a renewed consensus.
The other resolution concerns economics. It is also important to understand it because you can't move from a neoliberal type of approach without being able to appreciate what has happened in this particular process around the world, how the economics are being debated and how economics and politics are taking on a different dimension.
For us, the balance of forces has changed. There is no stagnation. We are able to say to you that the recession that took place in 2008, or the recession of 1930, does come closer to the fact that the balance of forces is moving. The African continent is not stagnating; it is faced with new challenges.
Hence, within the ANC, we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the AU. [Applause.] When those different leaders met, they did so on the basis that leadership was changing on the African continent. The economics that are taking place on the African continent are changing. How we are beginning to look again at the natural resources and the way we continue to strengthen ourselves as the African continent, are what you missed in your analysis.
What you also missed is that continuing change of the unipolar processes is not about the North itself and what strength the North had in the past. The recession, or the intervention of the banks, has brought a totally different dimension to those economics. So, the deteriorating economies of the North do influence the change of our economies or how they interrelate with our own economy, and how we relate to the AU.
These are unnecessary developments that we are supposed to have reflected on. We are supposed to be able to engage when we come to the decisions and what types of economies are beginning to influence our relationships within Africa as a continent. Do we reflect on that? Are we moving back?
South Africa has long accepted that there is intertrade. That is one part of our policy because that is why we talk about economic development and diplomacy. You should re-engage and be able to do an assessment of what types of economies are taking place or are evolving within the African continent. So, whenever you deal with the North-South relationship, you should be able to say that. The North is not the same. It has not conducted a relationship that has been beneficial to the relationship within the African continent.
If you can't deal with that type of dilemma, you must definitely be saying that there is something wrong with the type of analysis that you have arrived at. You can't arrive at a different analysis because South Africa is determined. It has a trade relationship with quite a number of countries and the European Union is part of this debate. Are they able to assist the agenda of the African continent so that the African continent is able to move away and be unchained from the types of economies and influences that are being determined by the North? For us, that type of change of relationship is very dynamic; it is not stagnant!
This means that when you deal with the recession of 2008, you should also be able to see what challenges confront South Africa's economy, rather than accusing the Ministry or the President for the way they look at a particular development. It is not of his making; it is economics. If it's not about economics, then there is something wrong with the way we look at diplomacy and how we are trying to support the new developments that are taking place on the African continent.
Hence, I still want to raise one of the resolutions of the ANC conference, because they are going to help us have a proper understanding of where the ANC wants to go from here. The changes that the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank are continuously emphasising, their resolutions, I will donate them to you. The ANC continues to call for the reform of the IMF and the World Bank to reflect principles of equity and fairness. The ANC will partner with international organisations and engage alternative think tanks in the transformation endeavours. The ANC will impress on the SA government to utilise platforms like the G20 to lobby for transformation, and the ANC encourages the formation of alternatives like the Latin American countries, that have begun the formation of Banco del Sur, the Bank of the South.
It does say that the ANC that we are proudly talking about - not the individuals within the organisation - does have policies so that they are able to guide, even the debates that are taking place about the National Development Plan, NDP. It is not an isolated mountain. That is why the President has said that the NDP has to be engaged. We need to be able to reflect on it. It is necessary because it deals with our vision into the near future. We should be able to debate it. It does have weaknesses, but we will be able to deal with them.
On the question that you are continuously trying to pose, I am sure that all of us who are looking for change will always reflect and engage on how the change occurs. I am sure that African leaders met in the AU and discussed how we continuously defend the developments that are taking place in Africa. When ordinary young children are raped, we are not only supposed to be able to reflect, as a country, on our capacity, but we are also supposed to be able to say how we will defend the interests of the ordinary people. That is what drives our foreign policy when we deal with the issue of defence.
Let us also deal with another matter that is very important. It was resolved in our conference. I am going to assist you again. This is about Africom, which is an important development. If you dealt with defence matters, you would know what Africom meant. The ANC reaffirmed its position that African states should be resolute in their stance against the presence of Africom in Africa in the guise of war on terror, while you are actually militarising the continent. There are different views.
The ANC recognised that Africom is more than just a building of American bases on the African continent, but includes more subtle programmes involving the US and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's military and military training of African militaries, as well as the funding of NGOs for anti-African agendas and the increasing introduction of drones in the guise of technological assistance in conflict areas. The Asians respect the territorial integrity and sovereignty of fellow African countries and call on the US and military organisations like Nato to do the same.
For us, that is what it means to be able to build an African defence force that, firstly, should be able to defend the development that is taking place within the African continent; and, secondly, should be able to defend those young ones, the vulnerable, and the poorest of the poor who cannot make it within the African continent, who come to our borders every day and request assistance from President Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, and those from areas where there is violence.
So, at no stage did you say we should see the Pan-African defence force as a progressive step, as much as you have been saying that the Southern African Development Community, SADC, Brigade is one of the necessary developments that have taken place. However, as the ANC, we are conscious in this department that certain things are unnecessary to be defended and we should always build our capacity within a particular development. We should be able to ask what capacity those that we are interacting with have to be able to assist the ANC or the country. We should not continue to hold on to protectionism.
Hon Maynier, the apartheid regime fell flat when that development took place, because they couldn't open their economies up, nor did they accept that the world is dynamic and moving on. I am emphasising that under this Ministry, and if you look deeper into the policy on diplomacy that is in front of us to debate, you will find out that this dynamism is the one that will always confront us relating to the way we deal with the world, where unipolarism is being challenged. You know as a matter of fact that the capacity of China in terms of economics is growing, and that means the world is changing. In no way will America be on its own in how it conducts itself.
You know as a matter of fact where we are seated, and dealing with the debates on the Central African Republic, CAR, you will know that the French role has not been the same as the role that has been played by other European countries. They defend the interests that they have had for a very long time. They were defending those particular interests. They were situated at the airport, because they knew exactly that the rebels were pursuing their own agenda.
This is what we knew, and that is what we were faced with as a challenge. Hence, that is what we need to confront as South Africans and ask ourselves. What do we do when the rebels are trying to remain in charge and not being able to provide the necessary leadership that is needed in their countries? Under this Ministry, we are able to do so. Thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, the ACDP welcomes the change in trend from previous years, when appropriations were decreasing, to the current state of affairs, where two budgets in a row have increased, bringing the budget to R5,3 billion in 2012-13, and we see that R3,5 billion is on the cards for 2013-14. We do, however, note that spending is expected to increase to R6,2 billion due to inflation and lease commitments. So, how exactly is this going to work?
With 47 diplomatic missions in Africa and more in the pipeline, we have to ask: How sustainable are all these missions? We know that greater productive and export capacity and global competitiveness across the region need to be built, and we support developmental integration in Southern Africa. However, we are not entirely convinced that more and more missions are the most cost-effective way to do what needs to be done.
Minister Gordhan, however, put it this way:
Africa is our home and it is our future. It is a market of over one billion people and it is growing rapidly. Africa now accounts for about 18% of our total exports and nearly a quarter of our manufactured exports. Over the past five years, the South African Reserve Bank has approved nearly 1 000 large investments into 36 African countries. These are mutually beneficial as they support development in those countries and generate tax revenue, dividends and jobs abroad and in South Africa.
I have decided to use my allocated few minutes today to talk about Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe hasn't really had much attention in this Parliament lately compared to days gone by and it might be nice just to show that we care. At the same time their lack of budget and our constrained South African Budget seem to be inextricably linked on many levels. I also suspect that the Zimbabwean elections will impact on this department's budget which, by the way, the ACDP will support.
To the surprise of many, it does seem as if President Mugabe is actually pushing for funding for the upcoming elections with as few strings attached as possible. Hon Minister, does the government-owned Herald newspaper in Zimbabwe have its facts straight in saying that South African President Jacob Zuma has proposed to SADC leaders, at a meeting on the sidelines of the just-ended African Union summit, that they should help to fund Zimbabwe's elections? I was going to exclaim: Zuma for President! But then I realised that he already was. Of course, that did sound funnier at 9 o'clock last night.
Zimbabwe, after all, needs US$132 million and it would be nice if we did not have to foot the entire bill. Zimbabwe's Prime Minister and opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, we understand, is keen to attach the money to the deployment of election observers, for very obvious reasons, including fears that Zanu-PF will once again use the security forces to intimidate voters. The violence that accompanied the referendum in 2000 and the elections in 2008 drove hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans across our borders, resulting in enormous challenges. I think election observers, at the very least, must be attached to that money. Deploying peace-keeping troops might be a good idea as well. [Time expired.]
Madam Chair, hon Ministers and Deputy Ministers, hon members and guests, our Freedom Charter states that there shall be peace and friendship. Therefore, the Department of International Relations and Co-operation, Dirco, has formed relationships and worked for peace on the continent and in the world whilst pursuing South Africa's national interests.
Our struggle for a better life in South Africa is intertwined with our pursuit of a better Africa and a better world. Therefore the ANC's focus is to contribute towards building a better Africa and thus a better world. [Applause.] The vision of building a better world can be realised through the strengthening of our South-South co-operation and its strategic relationships. Partnerships with countries of the South continue to be critical in advancing not only South Africa's own development needs, but also those of Africa and, in so doing, creating political, economic and social convergence for the fight against poverty, underdevelopment and the marginalisation of the South. The department therefore promotes the strengthening of South-South co-operation and supports the agenda of the South through participation in the activities of all South African forums.
South Africa conducts its foreign policy against the background of an ever- changing political and economic environment. This global environment has experienced major shifts in global politics, economics, social and cultural dynamics that impacted on different parts of the world. This impact includes the realignment of new economic powers, new media and social networks, innovations, environmental changes, and a heightened demand for scarce resources and also the changing nature of conflicts and insecurities.
Co-operation between developing countries in the South began in the 1950s during a conference of Asian countries and independent African states. This conference took place in Bandung in Indonesia in April 1955. This was the first attempt to create co-operation between developing countries with the aim of restoring economic and cultural links within the South, which had been severed due to colonialism, while at the same time further strengthening the relationships between the North and the South.
Six years later this led to the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement, NAM, in 1961 and the Group of 77, G77, founded in 1964, which accelerated developing countries' drive for collective self-reliance, focusing ... [Inaudible.]
It appears the sound is a problem.
South-South co-operation is pursued as an expression of South-South solidarity and a strategy for economic independence and self-reliance.
The global financial and economic crisis has eroded the influence of countries of the North. This, coupled with the recent economic growth and the prominence of some countries in the South, has led to the increasing relevance and prominence of South-South co-operation.
This South-South co-operation helps to strengthen multilateralism in the promotion of an action-oriented approach to the developmental challenges of the South. Through the collective strength of the South arising from shared values and objectives, South-South co-operation enables and should develop countries to play an active role in international policy and decision- making processes.
Let me give you some examples of South-South co-operation. We have the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South African forum, namely Brics; the India, Brazil, South Africa Dialogue Forum, namely Ibsa; the New Asian- African Strategic Partnership, NAASP; the Forum on China-Africa Co- operation; the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Co-operation, IOR- ARC; the India-Africa Forum; and the Non-Aligned Movement, NAM, to mention but a few.
South Africa has recently joined a group of nations that has contributed a large portion to global trade. It is expected that South Africa will gain significantly from the investment and infrastructure development in the Brics grouping over the next 10 to 15 years. These countries are Brazil, Russia, India and China, which make up 42% of the global population and 18% of the gross domestic product, GDP.
The four founding Brics members all share a desire to see barriers to trade reduced so as to promote a more unrestricted environment for trade and investment. Many analysts were surprised by South Africa's inclusion in Brics, considering the difference in South Africa's size and population. However, South Africa has a unique position, and that is to act as a conduit through which other members of Brics can have a more meaningful relationship with Africa and the continent. South Africa's inclusion also offers the country a range of possible contracts for South African businesses as well as an opportunity to invite members of Brics to invest in South Africa and the African continent as a whole.
South Africa successfully hosted the fifth Brics summit in March 2013, where the idea of a new development bank was discussed. In the recent World Economic Forum, in May 2013, our hon President Jacob Zuma said that the highly anticipated Brics bank should be based in Africa. [Applause.] President Zuma told delegates:
Africa feels that the bank should be established here, because the greater need for the bank is on the continent of Africa.
Decisions about details of the Brics bank are to be made at the next Brics summit in Brazil.
Maybe I can give you a summary of the economic benefits of the South-South co-operation with South Africa. In 2011 South Africa exported to China and its exports reached a high value of R85 billion, which shows a 45% increase in exports over those of 2010. South Africa's agriculture, forestry and fisheries' exports to China increased by 42% between 2010 and 2011. [Applause.] China is now South Africa's fourth largest export market after ranking seventh during 2010 [Applause.] In 2011 bilateral trade between South Africa and India stood at R53,7 billion; South Africa was exporting goods to the value of R24,4 billion to India and importing goods from India to the value of R29,3 billion; trade between South Africa and India is set to reach US$15 billion by the year 2014 - India ranks amongst the top 10 investing countries in South Africa; exports to Russia have increased from R2,1 billion in 2010 to R2,2 billion in 2011 and Russia is South Africa's 41st biggest export destination.
Through Dirco and other different international co-operations, about 125 different international training opportunities have taken place in South Africa each year. This training is presented by different institutions from different countries. This training includes, amongst other things training in diplomacy, sustainable development, communications and protocol; training in constitution-building, in security and in language. These are but a few of the opportunities that we presented.
It is difficult for our committee to do oversight of all the embassies in the various countries and we obviously cannot afford to go and visit all these embassies stationed in different parts of the world.
I would like to thank the director-general of the department who, together with your team, were always willing to come and give detailed presentations to our committee. Thanks to you and your team for promoting South Africa to the world. [Applause.]
We as the ANC adopt this budget. I thank you. [Applause.]
Chairperson, hon Minister and members of the Cabinet, Members of Parliament, the chairperson and members of the portfolio committee, your excellencies and others, ladies and gentlemen, as our foreign policy approaches its 20th anniversary next year, it is critical that we fully assess the progress made in respect of our international relations agenda. It is appropriate that we evaluate the impact of our engagements against the agenda we had placed before us. In her address, our Minister already did justice to just that.
Today, South Africa is indeed a better place than it was 19 years ago. Our promise to create a better life for all our people is beginning to see the light of day. When the ANC took over the reins of government in 1994, our new government was faced with multiple challenges around transformation. Today, this country has been transformed in every sphere. In fact, listening to the hon member Davidson and the DA, one starts to reflect on what they say on the National Development Plan, NDP, but, in particular, the question of our foreign relations, which are seen as inefficient, and they cannot see the benefit. Now, we do have a value-based foreign relations policy, and we have introduced the economic diplomacy perspective into it, which was critical.
What does that mean? We had earlier heard hon member Davidson ask: But what is our national interest? What is our national agenda? We have five strategic priorities: education; health; issues of crime and corruption; as well as rural development and agriculture; and job creation. That should be seen in the context of speaking to our foreign relations policy and then intertwined with our domestic priority objectives. Therefore, the Brics programmes are critical. We have just heard the previous speaker speak about those issues.
In 1994 the South African government only had something like R90 billion. Today we are seeing the investment potential and the ability of at least R1,1 trillion that we are able to spend to make sure that it can expand, meaning it has increased tenfold over the last few years, and that is what we have seen. Clearly, we have seen the investments and the relations in terms of our foreign relations policy bearing fruit.
Not so long ago, we saw the Square Kilometre Array. It is strange that hon Davidson was asking what the benefits are of our South African foreign relations policy. The Square Kilometre Array meant new investment of at least R15 billion in the South African economy, far from where we were, where we had to compete with other countries around the globe, particularly Australia. The SKA will create mega potential in terms of science and technology in the context of a poor, rural province like the Northern Cape. That brings together opportunities, therefore, in the context of skills upgrade, in the context of small, medium and micro enterprises development, in the context of women and youth empowerment.
Part of that policy then reflects on the regional integration strategy and, therefore, not so long ago, our Minister, with the Economics Cluster Ministers, convened under our President. There are three regions in Africa - and we have seen a combined potential investment of at least US$1,7 trillion to US$1,8 trillion year-on-year. What does that bring in the context of economic opportunities for our people? In fact, what it does is to make sure that intra-African trade would be able to move from 12% to at least 30% over the next couple of years. So, we have to connect our foreign relations policy with our domestic priorities and our African agenda because, indeed, our progress is intertwined with the progress of Africa. Therefore, it was quite shocking to hear the earlier input; the only input, in fact, that I heard today that was really problematic. So, clearly, what we need to do is to ask hon Stubbe's committee to take the DA through a proper analysis of what is required. [Interjections.]
What is the real issue here? The real issue is the fact that we are talking about shared and inclusive growth. We are saying that a trickle-down effect from the economy is not good enough. We are saying that it is not an assumption, when we bring in foreign investment, that it will automatically address the plight of the poorest of the poor. We are saying that we need shared and inclusive growth, and therefore we must expand the economy in such a way that it can lead to progress for our people. [Applause.]
Ten years ago, we heard the front page of The Economist talk about, "Africa, the dark continent", and I have just heard that today from this bench. Ten years thereafter, last year, we heard the same magazine talking about "Africa, the rising star". All of us can see that Africa is a star rising. What is ironic is that what we require is that all political parties support a national agenda. We can differ on certain issues around it, but fundamentally we must agree on a national agenda in the context of foreign relations. [Interjections.] Otherwise, you are breaking down the fundamentals of what we intend doing. The problem is that we are sitting with an opposition which is a government in a particular province and which thinks it can be a federalist state. Therefore, we are saying that we will not allow that. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
This year, 2013, marks a year before our country celebrates the 20th anniversary of our freedom in 2014. This year also is the 25th anniversary of the death of another icon, another patriot, a diplomat and protg of our leader Oliver Tambo, Comrade Dulcie September, who was a woman, an activist, an internationalist, a cadre from the Cape Flats. She was brutally assassinated in Paris by the apartheid regime for her commitment to international solidarity, for her commitment to peace, for her commitment to democracy, for her commitment to making sure that children in a new democracy and dispensation can just be children, and that they can laugh, sing and dance. We are saying that that particular chapter of our history must still be closed properly. Therefore, we will continue to pursue the analysis of that.
In the words of one of our other giants of diplomacy and former Minister of Foreign Affairs, the late Comrade Alfred Nzo, when he spoke at Dulcie's funeral: "If ever there was a soft target, Dulcie September was one." To the families of our fallen heroes, in particular Dulcie September's nephew, who is here today, we thank the family, and we thank the people for their commitment in pursuing democracy. [Applause.]
It is also important to analyse what we have done under the leadership of our President and our Minister to make sure that foreign relations should not be foreign to the people of the country; that in every community, whether it is in a deep rural village in Limpopo or whether it is in the City of Cape Town, our people are able to understand and appreciate what foreign relations can do for our people right here in the communities. [Interjections.] [Applause.] Therefore, we have a very strong public diplomacy branch that goes to the length and breadth of this country. In fact, yesterday, we were in Gugulethu, where at least 1 700 people came together and discussed the importance of the African Union. They discussed the question around the United Nations Volunteers Programme. [Applause.]
They discussed the issue of how we can, in fact, learn from the veterans within our communities. The veterans within our communities were, in fact, in exile - put there by some of you here. [Interjections.] They had to leave South Africa, because it was important. Therefore, they went to small rural communities in Africa, whether it was Morogoro or others. So, there are so many of our veterans who can train us today with regard to the spirit of solidarity, international solidarity and other things. So, we are saying that we should honour the veterans.
The Minister touched on the issue of the South African Development Partnership Agency, SADPA, and we clearly say that that is an area, in terms of our development partnership trajectory, on which we will indeed focus and work together. It will be in partnership with the international community that is also here. In fact, after the United States of America, South Africa has the greatest number of diplomats in the world in Pretoria. That is the significance of our foreign relations policy. [Applause.] We will, with our global partners, find how best to put in place the development package of partnerships that creates stability, that makes sure that there is peace, makes sure that there is development, and makes sure that there is independence in the future of countries that are currently in conflict. That is the type of ability that we have. [Interjections.]
So with that, we will definitely take what comes from Parliament today. We will take it forward and make sure that we increase our foreign relations to the best of our ability. [Applause.] [Time expired.]
Hon Chairperson, hon Minister, hon Deputy Ministers, hon members of the House and distinguished guests and officials, we are celebrating the 50th anniversary of the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, this year and the theme is this: The year of Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance. We must use these year-long celebrations to obtain a better understanding of the challenges facing Africa.
Former President Nelson Mandela, in his address to the Summit Meeting of OAU heads of state and government, cited the following, and I quote:
The tree of our bitterness has come full leaf and the fall of our century will carry the foliage away.
Our Freedom Charter was clear when it pronounced on various issues that affected our people over the past six decades. Its drafters drafted the aspirations of our people and as such these aspirations translated into living documents through the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and the policy positions that emerged out of the policy conferences of the ANC that shape government policies.
In this regard, when it came to foreign policy the Freedom Charter asserted, and I quote: There shall be peace and friendship ... The right of all peoples of Africa to independence and self-government shall be recognised, and shall be the basis of close co-operation.
This aspiration translated into South Africa's actively advancing the goals of democracy, peace, stability, development and mutually beneficial relations among the people of Africa as a whole, as well as a Pan-African solidarity.
The foreign policy of South Africa is guided by seven principles. Amongst these the ANC has asserted:
A belief that our foreign policy should reflect the interests of the continent of Africa; a belief that South Africa's economic development depends on growing regional and international economic co-operation in an interdependent world.
South Africa's future is intertwined with that of the rest of the continent. Significantly, our foreign policy ensures that the continent's people are able actively to participate in the processes of democracy in their own countries, in order to improve their basic human conditions.
The Southern African region sustained the ANC during our liberation struggle, thus our destiny is connected with this region and our people are one. Southern Africa is thus a pillar upon which South Africa's foreign policy rests. Thus, as the ANC in the postapartheid era, we committed ourselves to regional co-operation, economic integration and greater unity within the region and amongst all of the people. Balanced growth and development is needed that will be enhanced through regional co-operation and integration, and this will serve the interests of our economy. This will mean that opportunities in trade will be optimal in a region that is growing.
South Africa is a member of the Southern African Development Community, SADC, and the South African Customs Union, SACU. We will continue to promote within Africa the diaspora for cohesion, unity, democracy and prosperity of the SADC and the African Union, AU. [Applause.] We will continue to advance regional economic integration in Southern Africa following a developmental model that comprises infrastructure development, co-operation in the real economy and the development of regional supply chains. This is done to pursue and ensure that there is a fair, equitable and developmental approach towards SADC integration.
The political will within SADC needs to be consolidated to ensure that the region achieves its objectives. We as the ANC have been leading in strengthening and consolidating the region politically. We have to continuously ensure that our approach is developmental and ensure that there is diversification of our economies in our region.
Regional integration is crucial to ensure that the region becomes one of the nodal growth points of the world. [Applause.] This refers to issues relating to the developing of a common market and having the region as a significant destination point for investment within the context of political stability and economic policies. We also need to deepen democracy and human rights and the consolidation of peace in the region.
We acknowledge that Africa sacrificed a lot for the ANC during the time of our liberation struggle. We as the ANC envision transformation on our continent because we want an Africa that is free, peaceful and vibrant and is able to actively participate in and contribute to areas of human endeavour and in the multilateral fora.
We are committed actively to advancing the African Renaissance, the rebirth of the continent, as it is a strategic objective and a call to action. Africa's renaissance should consolidate collective sovereignty. Critical to the Renaissance are the African Union, the Pan-African Parliament and regional economic communities that must be strengthened continuously to meet the modern-day challenges. Continental co-operation and economic integration have yielded benefits in strengthening Africa's economic relations. We will continuously commit ourselves to the process of regional and continental peacekeeping and peacemaking in order to track possible conflict.
The ANC commits to playing a meaningful role on the continent in order to actively participate in the development of our continent. Work also continues to attain economic prosperity, intra-Africa trade and other positive and progressive interventions designed for Africa to move forward towards prosperity and a better life for her peoples.
The ANC believes that economic and political co-operation with other countries can improve the lives of our own people, and will continue to work towards a better life for all, a better Africa and a better world, one without hunger, disease, conflict and underdevelopment.
The 50th National Conference of the ANC in Mafikeng in 1997 contributed to the development of a New Partnership for Africa's Development, Nepad, as a programme of the AU aimed at bringing about peace, stability and security; the eradication of poverty; development; human resources; the economic revival of Africa; democracy; good governance; and human rights.
Fundamental change has been developed through the launch of the AU and the adoption of Nepad for significant development and growth to promote Africa's cause.
The establishment of the AU and the final drafting of Nepad is work mainly led by the heads of government and states. The sustainability and successful implementation of Nepad and the functioning of the AU involves women, youth and organs of civil society. Africa's development in the multilateral arena has been formally and officially recognised through the adoption of Nepad by the United Nations General Assembly.
The AU must play a leading role in defending the interests of Africa in multilateral bodies such as the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, and even the coming new Brics bank.
Different organisational and government strategies and mechanisms have been implemented to involve the broader South African society in the implementation of Nepad and the AU as the organisational articulation of the vision of the African Renaissance. We have been developing a theoretical framework and content for better expression of our vision of the African Renaissance.
We strive to ensure that we reach into the resources of the countries of Africa and establish partnerships amongst the countries of the South. This is done in order to mobilise the developed countries of the South to actively participate in Nepad.
Critically, democracy, good governance and accountability are the essential elements for the success of the AU and Nepad. The speedy implementation of Nepad is good governance of all and by all African countries.
The ANC should continue to play an instrumental role in strengthening the role played by the Pan-African Parliament, PAP. We should continue to guide the debate on the future of the PAP, especially whether or not it should be awarded legislative powers to mould its character. We should advocate and celebrate the existence of the PAP in South Africa.
South Africa should assist the PAP to revitalise its role as a key catalyst achieving unity in, and the further democratisation of, Africa and its member countries. We should assist the PAP to establish regional parliaments in line with the regional bodies of the AU.
Working together, we can build a better, transformed, unified and democratic Africa. [Applause.] In conclusion, hon Chairperson, many people are saying that we are overstretching our role in Africa, especially on the side of the DA. Let me quote the hon Minister Nkoana-Mashabane when she addressed a church gathering on 21 April 2012, as follows:
We cannot afford the luxury of saying Africa's problems are not our problems. It is also in our national interest to have a stable, peaceful and developed Africa.
Rise, Africa, rise! The ANC supports the Vote. Thank you. [Applause.]
Madam Chair, I have to congratulate the Minister of International Relations and Co-operation for trying to give the department credibility, by giving immediate responses to issues such as that of Professor Karabus and the Gupta scandal, where she met Virendra Gupta to convey the government's displeasure over his actions. It is strange that she did not know beforehand. She is also to raise the issue with the Indian government. We are awaiting their response and her feedback.
With regard to her Deputy, Minister Fransman, we cannot say the same. He should spend more time focusing on his role as the Deputy Minister rather than involving himself in provincial party politics. [Interjections.] As we have seen with the Central African Republic and other countries, we just have to back the losing horse in all the races. Do we really think that in choosing sides, if our candidate loses, our future relationship with that country would ever recover? No, we are losing the battle to become a major role-player in Africa. Why not rather stay neutral and try to get parties around the table to get solutions, promote democracy and the open opportunity society, and let the people decide for themselves? [Interjections.]
We are slipping further back. Our membership in Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, Brics, was because of our stock exchange, the biggest in Africa. But Nigeria's stock market gained 35% and Uganda's 39% over the last year. Sub-Saharan Africa's growth averaged 4,8% over the past five years and Africa's 5,1%. Our 2,7% paints a grim picture, especially the last quarter's 0,9%.
Foreign direct investment in sub-Saharan Africa leapt from US$6 billion in 2000 to US$34 billion last year. We have to ask the question as to where the problem is. And why did we not get our share? As a committee, we have not been allowed to visit any embassy to do oversight. We do not know how the money is being spent. All we know is that we have more embassies than most countries. All we hear is the progress of the department in doing oversight over their embassies. Up to now, we have had no reports.
I suggest an audit on the embassies to see if some of them can be consolidated. What benefit are they to the people of South Africa? How well are the staff equipped to enhance our tourism and economy? What are the results of every embassy as a unit?
There must be something wrong, otherwise the Minister of Tourism would not have announced in his Budget Vote that he was opening more tourist offices in Africa and Brazil. Why can't these offices be combined? Wouldn't there be huge overlapping? Can't he rather make use of our offices or train our staff to be up to his standards? I call upon the Minister to start a programme ... [Interjections.]
One moment, hon Eloff. What is it, Ms Fubbs?
It is certainly not a point of order, so please relax. [Interjections.]
(Mrs F Hajaig): Then please sit down.
However, it is a question. [Interjections.]
No. [Interjections.]
I asked if the member would take a question. [Interjections.]
No, he doesn't wish to take a question. [Interjections.]
No, you are wasting my time.
Would you please sit down. [Interjections.]
You do not wish to take a question, right?
No. I call upon the Minister to start a programme that includes tourism and economic opportunities in South Africa in all the foreign embassies of South Africa, so they should have first-hand knowledge to promote our country. Our future economic success lies with the Southern African Development Community, SADC. Together, we can grow into the financial hub of Africa, although at the moment we are the partner with the smallest growth rate. Article 4(c) and 6(1) of the SADC Treaty provide that SADC and its member states shall act in accordance with the principles of human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Instead, Judge A G Pillay, the Chair of the United Nations Committee on Economics, Social and Cultural Rights and former president of the SADC Tribunal, had the following to say, and I quote:
President Zuma and other SADC leaders effectively killed off the SADC Tribunal at Mugabe's behest. Their decision has left citizens with no recourse to justice when they are abused by their own governments; also corporations are left unprotected.
The tribunal cases in which Zimbabwe and others were found guilty are still hanging in the air, in silence. Instead of enforcing human rights and the rule of law, we give them a loan. Eighty percent of applications before the Tribunal concern cases of individuals against states; that shows that leaders do not care for human rights or the rule of law. That is the exact opposite vision of the DA. We care, not for certain people, we care for everybody. [Applause.] [Interjections.]
What is the message that we are sending out to the rest of the world, and to investors who want to invest? South Africa is a major transshipment point for drugs on the continent and has the second highest number of narcotics addicts in Africa. The Minister must introduce to the SADC a regional mechanism for Southern Africa to curb the illegal transit of drugs, such as Kofi Annan's West African Commission on Drugs.
Dear fellow South Africans, wake up and smell wealth coming to Africa. The world needs oil and food. Africa has 60% of the unused agricultural land of the world. When you look at the latest oil and gas deposit map, you will see the future oil kingdom, from Eritrea down to Mozambique and Namibia. The question is: What are we going to do to be part of it? If you snooze, you lose.
I would like to conclude with the words of Anne Frank, and I quote:
How wonderful it is that nobody need wait a single moment before starting to improve the world.
Our moment has arrived. Thank you very much. [Applause.]
Hon Chairperson, hon Minister, hon Deputy Minister Ebrahim Ebrahim, hon Deputy Minister Marius Fransman, the diplomatic corps in the gallery, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, I rise on behalf of the ANC in support of this Budget Vote. Hon Deputy Minister Fransman, may I at the same time say thank you very much for paying homage to Dulcie September in this House and thank you for bringing the family here. [Applause.]
The success of its economic diplomacy will determine the extent to which South Africa can achieve its domestic priorities. For South Africa to meet these priorities, its economy must be able to participate competitively in the global market. As the ANC, we believe that economic diplomacy is not limited to basic economic knowledge, but should be able to increase South Africa's voice and choice in international relations and co-operation.
The intensification of economic diplomacy is driven by the ANC to ensure that there are changes in the colonial patterns of economic relations. Furthermore, there needs to be an equitable and balanced relationship between the North and the South, transformation and beneficiation of Africa's natural resources, sustainable flows of foreign direct investment and access to markets for products from the South to address the issue of unemployment and contribute to poverty alleviation.
Since the advent of our democratic dispensation, many opportunities have been afforded to South African businesses continentally and globally.
Our vision as the ANC is for a better world and for a better Africa. [Applause.] Economic diplomacy reinforces the attainment of the objectives of national development. The ANC believes that there can be no peace without development, and no development without peace. [Applause.]
Economic diplomacy has become a priority for South Africa's international policy, and a number of initiatives - other than the stories of doom we heard here today - have been put in place to achieve the objectives set out in the work programme of the Department of International Relations and Co- operation, Dirco. The ANC indeed welcomes the White Paper of Dirco that articulates, amongst others, its vision on economic diplomacy, other than the selective quotes that we had here from the hon members of the opposition with regard to the National Development Plan, NDP. Here is a classical example of you, Minister, making sure that we follow the prescripts that have been laid down in the National Development Plan by these White Papers and others.
Economic diplomacy is illustrated in the multilateral fora through the global trading system that is administered by the World Trade Organisation, WTO, in which South Africa participates. In contrast to the previous round of trade negotiations, the Uruguay Round between 1986-1994, South Africa played an instrumental role within the Doha Round in the WTO. South Africa, as a developing country, accepted developed-country commitments. The ANC hopes that with the new leadership at the helm of the WTO, we can again realise a return to the implementation of the developmental agenda and decisions.
Successful economic diplomacy requires a close partnership with government, business and labour. Hon Davidson, you said only with business. [Applause.] Within the partnership of government, business and labour, it is important that South Africa's values, principles, and reputation are reflected in the conduct of her businesses abroad.
The solid political relations between South Africa and China led to China's imposition of a voluntary export restraint on 31 categories of clothing exports to South Africa until 2008 and the benefits that the industry has had as a result of that.
In the financial services sector a number of banks have set up operations in South Africa. This is yet again testimony to the confidence they have in this ANC-led government and this country.
The Brics countries pose a combined potential market worth over US$ 320 billion. This is an immense untapped treasure which creates numerous opportunities for South African exporters. China alone has a potential of US$ 133 billion, whereas India has a market of US$ 26,8 billion and Russia and Brazil respectively US$ 11,1 billion and US$ 11,4 billion. This is extremely significant for this country and its people.
For the period April 2011 to March 2012 and April 2012 to December 2012, foreign direct investment markets have been able to track 31 projects from 25 Brics companies with a potential investment of R12,6 billion. [Interjections.] [Applause.]
Currently, South Africa is strategically located in two significant developing country coalitions: the G20 that is demanding fairer agricultural trade, and also the Nonagricultural Market Access, Nama, which advocates developing countries' rights to policy space for industrial development. Notably, South Africa is also a member of and supports the Africa Group in the WTO. Developing countries and the developmental agenda have been articulated by South Africa, and this highlights, very importantly, that what we ought to have is enhancing market access in areas of export interest in the developing world's balanced rule to protect and enhance policy space and technical assistance and capacity-building programmes to ensure that all developing countries can benefit. The struggle for peace and development in Africa poses a major challenge to the African Union. The ANC will always, as it has always done in the past, enable the South African government, through its effective policies - not confused policies - to promote peace, and speedy resolutions of conflicts in Africa. Economic diplomacy has become an integral component of the foreign policy of South Africa, particularly when it comes to attaining goals that will improve market access and, of course, trade with bilateral partners, and increase foreign direct investments. All of this is to position South Africa as a preferred tourism destination and to market ourselves abroad.
It is important to note that there is a link between peace diplomacy and economic diplomacy. South Africa's peace diplomacy efforts have helped to bring stability and prevent full-blown conflict in areas such as Burundi and the Ivory Coast, and we continue to mediate in Zimbabwe, hon Dudley. I think it is time we accepted that we must celebrate that the Zimbabwean people have gone to the polls and have voted for a new constitution. It is an important step in the lives of Zimbabweans to attain what we have all asked, that there needs to be peace in Zimbabwe. I think, despite the quibbles that we have had here today, we must celebrate that victory.
As much as South Africa has been told to stand high on the roof and shout, or to employ soft versus loud diplomacy, here is a victory that we can claim as South Africans. At the level of the Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, South Africa's rapid advancement in economic growth has created perceptions and concerns about our real intentions on the continent, whilst others have concluded that South Africa harbours hegemonic views and actions. This is far from the truth.
We have heard today of an attempt to prescribe to South Africa. Is it our human rights? Is it our national interest? What is it? We are still confused. We seem to be voting wrongly at the UN, and all of that. We can't be surprised that that level of confusion is coming through from the DA. We are not surprised that we have it because here we have a situation that articulates to us, in the guise of addressing human rights abuse, that the broad consensus and complexities in foreign countries are ignored. It seems like the DA often made calls to the South African government to support West-imposed regime change. If we cannot continue to negotiate and ask for peaceful solutions, then it means there is a call for something else. As the ANC, we will never do that, on the altar of our people. [Applause.]
In fact, it looks constantly as if it seeks to undermine South Africa's relations with countries that are hostile to the imperialist agenda. Hostility towards Cuba and Iran is being produced all the time.
I think this is not helpful, as they too have made contributions to bring us to democracy and assist us further. They are not abandoning us, but still continue to assist us.
Hon Minister, maybe we must ask for your help in this instance. We do not have federalism in this country. We have a unitary state and we ask that in international relations, we continue to defend our unitary position in this country. We cannot have a situation like last year, when hon Helen Zille, in her capacity as Premier of the Western Cape, visited the UK and met with British government leaders, the liberal democratic leaders and leaders of industry, without consulting you, Minister. Please, clarify. I hope I am wrong in this instance. We do not need that sort of situation here, where our country continues to be bad-mouthed, instead of showing a unified front.
None of the ANC's people has ever gone outside the borders of this country and said that we only had eight provinces. We say we have nine provinces in this country, despite the fact that the ANC does not govern the Western Cape. We are never so silly and petty to say that there are only eight provinces. We don't tell people to only invest in the one province and not in the other eight provinces.
So, Minister, we ask that you prevail in this situation, because South Africa is a country for all its people. [Applause.] We cannot allow that situation to continue. [Interjections.]
In preparing the country to become a winning nation in the coming decades of the 21st century, our international relations work must endeavour to shape and strengthen our national identity; we must cultivate our national pride and patriotism; address the injustices of our past, including those of race and gender; bridge the divides in our society to ensure social cohesion and stability; and grow the economy for the development and upliftment of our people. Those are our national interests. I thank you. [Applause.]
Hon Chair, let me take this opportunity, once again, to say it has been such a pleasure to participate in this debate. I would like to thank the hardworking hon Deputy Ministers of the Department of International Relations and Co- operation, Dirco, the hardworking directors-general, the deputy directors- general, and, in particular, the hon members, starting with Chairperson Magama. The majority of participants in this debate, from the ruling party, but also from the opposition - almost all speakers - started by saying, well done, Dirco, but then had to scramble for something to say, because I am sure you will not get your salary if you do not have something else to say about what we have done! [Laughter.] [Applause.]
I want to thank the hon members of the ANC who participated in this debate. I would like to single out the hon Skosana for generously sharing the successes of South Africa's foreign policy, the implementation, working together with all the spheres of our society and government. The facts are there to see. Hon Holomisa, you do not have to be a praise singer. We have done our bit. [Applause.] The hon Skosana says we have successfully navigated the uncharted waters of international relations very well. Siyabonga, baba. [Thank you, sir.] [Applause.]
This issue of whether we should be present where we are needed - something about expansionism - is a fallacy. Africans are calling for South Africa to be present for preventive diplomacy and as an early-warning system. We cannot depend on Twitter and Facebook alone. People need to connect with us. They have waited for this moment. They fought with us for our freedom, and that is why we have to work with them. [Applause.] In today's economic climate, one needs a balance between established and emerging markets. That is why we will continue to consolidate our relations with the old, the new and the emerging markets. In the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa grouping, Brics, there is not a single member who has not afforded South Africa an opportunity to accelerate its trade to more than 50% in the few years since we joined.
Regarding the Brics development bank, the decision has been taken. It will be established. The decision was taken here in South Africa. We are looking at the domicile, and we are lobbying that it be here on African soil - you know where I am referring to. Modalities for the formation of this bank, so that it does not become like others, are what our Ministers of Finance are busy with.
I would also like to take this opportunity to thank the President of Russia for having graciously heeded the call of President Zuma that at the next G20 summit, the African Union and Nepad will be represented, to continue with their development working group. The Minister of Tourism was part of our delegation to Russia, because we have identified this as a new market.
In the ANC-led government, we work as one entity, led by President Jacob Zuma. So, there is no "this department and that department". [Applause.] There is only one department that champions the representation of our foreign policy outside this country. Indeed, we are not a federal state.
Hon Davidson, I think your peers here have given you a free lecture. They were very generous with information. I am sure they would also be ready to organise further workshops about the work we do internationally. [Interjections.] I am just a little disappointed at your not remembering to mention the African Union even once. I do not know if that is a decision of your party, but that was very disappointing.
To all the hon members, we want to say to South Africans in all corners of this country, we will not look back. We will not blink. We will keep our eyes on the ball. We will continue representing South Africa to attain that goal, that vision that our forebears fought for - a better South Africa, a better Africa at peace with itself, working for world peace and development all over, wherever we go. Down with the diplomacy of ...
... batho ba tla reng. [... what will the people say.]
We have all worked together.
Tau t?a hloka seboka di ?itwa ke nare e hlot?a. [United we stand, divided we fall.]
I thank you. [Applause.]
Debate concluded.